Jeremy Corbyn may be poised to become the new leader of the UK’s Labor party. Dalibor Rohac comments on his unsavory associations:

[Corbyn] hosted the show Comment, on Press TV, the [official television] channel of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In 2009, Corbyn welcomed Dyab Abou Jahjah to the UK’s parliament. Jahjah is a political activist and publisher who became known for publishing, in 2006, a series of cartoons poking fun at the Holocaust. As late as 2013, Corbyn attended events organized by Paul Eisen, at that time known as an outspoken Holocaust denier. In 2012, he hosted the hate preacher Raed Salah at the House of Commons. In a sermon two years later, Salah—whom Corbyn had called a “very honored citizen” and invited for tea—expressed hope that Jerusalem would soon become “the capital of the global caliphate.“

Corbyn also came publicly to the defense of Stephen Sizer, an Anglican vicar who, as he put it, “dared to speak out against Zionism.” In February this year, Sizer was banned by church authorities from using social media after he suggested on Facebook that Israel was responsible for 9/11.

The shared affection for Iran, Hizballah, and Hamas—“an organization that is dedicated toward the good of the Palestinian people,” according to Corbyn—the numerous ties with anti-Semites, and sympathy for the Kremlin would normally place Corbyn in the company of Hungary’s Jobbik and Europe’s other far-right extremists. What is shocking is the double standard with which Corbyn’s supporters are viewing his, shall we say, “eccentricities.”

On Tuesday, a Hizballah drone attack injured three people in northern Israel. The next day, another attack, targeting an IDF base, injured eighteen people, six of them seriously, in Arab al-Amshe, also in the north. This second attack involved the simultaneous use of drones carrying explosives and guided antitank missiles. In both cases, the defensive systems that performed so successfully last weekend failed to stop the drones and missiles. Ron Ben-Yishai has a straightforward explanation as to why: the Lebanon-backed terrorist group is getting better at evading Israel defenses. He explains the three basis systems used to pilot these unmanned aircraft, and their practical effects:

These systems allow drones to act similarly to fighter jets, using “dead zones”—areas not visible to radar or other optical detection—to approach targets. They fly low initially, then ascend just before crashing and detonating on the target. The terrain of southern Lebanon is particularly conducive to such attacks.

But this requires skills that the terror group has honed over months of fighting against Israel. The latest attacks involved a large drone capable of carrying over 50 kg (110 lbs.) of explosives. The terrorists have likely analyzed Israel’s alert and interception systems, recognizing that shooting down their drones requires early detection to allow sufficient time for launching interceptors.

The IDF tries to detect any incoming drones on its radar, as it had done prior to the war. Despite Hizballah’s learning curve, the IDF’s technological edge offers an advantage. However, the military must recognize that any measure it takes is quickly observed and analyzed, and even the most effective defenses can be incomplete. The terrain near the Lebanon-Israel border continues to pose a challenge, necessitating technological solutions and significant financial investment.