Contemplating the increased hostility directed by French Muslims toward their country, and the rise of France’s anti-Muslim National Front, Ben Judah examines the fate of the Jews in a fractured republic:

Can a Jew still live safely in a banlieue [as the poor, immigrant suburbs of Paris are called]? Since 2000, when banlieue anti-Semitism began to flare up alongside the Palestinian intifada, the number of Jewish families in [the banlieue of] Aulnay-sous-Bois fell from 600 to 100, in Le Blanc-Mesnil from 300 to 100, in Clichy-Sous-Bois from 400 to 80, and in La Courneuve from 300 to 80. French Jews call this flight internal aliyah.

This is why they move: in 2014, 51 percent of reported racist incidents in France targeted Jews. On average a Jew is assaulted in France every day. And this means [anti-Semitic violence] touches most families. A recent poll found that 74 percent of Jews who wore traditional skullcaps and 20 percent who didn’t reported being attacked. . . .

[The French pollster Jérôme] Fourquet’s research shows that French Jews are moving from areas run by Communist mayors—twinned with Palestinian camps, where Palestinian war heroes hold honorary citizenship, and regular exhibitions are held on the anniversary of the “Nakba”—to areas where there are right-wing mayors, twinned with Israel. Internal aliyah—not to Israel, or English-speaking countries—is the largest movement of French Jews.

“Yet what we found in our interviews in the Jewish community,” says Fourquet, “was more and more Jews say, there is us [the Jews], them [the Muslims], and you—the ethnic French. Yet again, in our interviews with [French Jews], they talk as if they are canaries in the coalmine. This comes up a lot: [an attitude of] ‘you’ll see it when we’re gone and you’ll be left with them.’ . . . The sense of a common French destiny is vanishing in our surveys.”

On Tuesday, a Hizballah drone attack injured three people in northern Israel. The next day, another attack, targeting an IDF base, injured eighteen people, six of them seriously, in Arab al-Amshe, also in the north. This second attack involved the simultaneous use of drones carrying explosives and guided antitank missiles. In both cases, the defensive systems that performed so successfully last weekend failed to stop the drones and missiles. Ron Ben-Yishai has a straightforward explanation as to why: the Lebanon-backed terrorist group is getting better at evading Israel defenses. He explains the three basis systems used to pilot these unmanned aircraft, and their practical effects:

These systems allow drones to act similarly to fighter jets, using “dead zones”—areas not visible to radar or other optical detection—to approach targets. They fly low initially, then ascend just before crashing and detonating on the target. The terrain of southern Lebanon is particularly conducive to such attacks.

But this requires skills that the terror group has honed over months of fighting against Israel. The latest attacks involved a large drone capable of carrying over 50 kg (110 lbs.) of explosives. The terrorists have likely analyzed Israel’s alert and interception systems, recognizing that shooting down their drones requires early detection to allow sufficient time for launching interceptors.

The IDF tries to detect any incoming drones on its radar, as it had done prior to the war. Despite Hizballah’s learning curve, the IDF’s technological edge offers an advantage. However, the military must recognize that any measure it takes is quickly observed and analyzed, and even the most effective defenses can be incomplete. The terrain near the Lebanon-Israel border continues to pose a challenge, necessitating technological solutions and significant financial investment.