While military and intelligence coordination between the two countries is by all accounts thriving, trade has always lagged behind security cooperation. Now, writes Haisam Hassanein, it, too, is improving:

This April, for the first time in ten years, an Israeli delegation traveled to Egypt to discuss ways of enhancing economic cooperation. . . . Following the 2011 [Arab Spring] uprising, Israeli tourism to Egypt had witnessed a massive decrease. . . . The numbers slowly began to recover thereafter. . . . These numbers rose [again] throughout the summer [of this year]. . . . Indeed, thousands of tourists have continued to flock to Sinai beaches despite constant security warnings from Israeli authorities and frequent clashes between terrorist groups and the Egyptian military. . . .

The one-directional nature of Israeli-Egyptian tourism remains a problem, though things are changing in this regard. In May, a delegation from the Egyptian tourism industry met with Israelis in Jerusalem and agreed to increase the number of Coptic Christians allowed to visit holy sites in Israel. For their part, the Israelis promised to increase the tourist flow to Egypt. . . .

Since the 2011 uprising, Egypt has been running out of options to save its economy, as evidenced by its struggle to fix growing budget deficits, increasing unemployment, lagging tourism, and dwindling foreign direct investments. . . .

Even amid these negative trends, however, a positive bilateral dynamic has been developing [between Cairo and Jerusalem]. Three decades ago, Washington felt compelled to keep itself directly involved in managing the Egypt-Israel relationship. Nowadays, changing regional dynamics have allowed the two countries to move closer without a U.S. catalyst. Given their deep security cooperation and Egypt’s ongoing economic meltdown, the two neighbors might be on the verge of a new era of cooperation.

On Tuesday, a Hizballah drone attack injured three people in northern Israel. The next day, another attack, targeting an IDF base, injured eighteen people, six of them seriously, in Arab al-Amshe, also in the north. This second attack involved the simultaneous use of drones carrying explosives and guided antitank missiles. In both cases, the defensive systems that performed so successfully last weekend failed to stop the drones and missiles. Ron Ben-Yishai has a straightforward explanation as to why: the Lebanon-backed terrorist group is getting better at evading Israel defenses. He explains the three basis systems used to pilot these unmanned aircraft, and their practical effects:

These systems allow drones to act similarly to fighter jets, using “dead zones”—areas not visible to radar or other optical detection—to approach targets. They fly low initially, then ascend just before crashing and detonating on the target. The terrain of southern Lebanon is particularly conducive to such attacks.

But this requires skills that the terror group has honed over months of fighting against Israel. The latest attacks involved a large drone capable of carrying over 50 kg (110 lbs.) of explosives. The terrorists have likely analyzed Israel’s alert and interception systems, recognizing that shooting down their drones requires early detection to allow sufficient time for launching interceptors.

The IDF tries to detect any incoming drones on its radar, as it had done prior to the war. Despite Hizballah’s learning curve, the IDF’s technological edge offers an advantage. However, the military must recognize that any measure it takes is quickly observed and analyzed, and even the most effective defenses can be incomplete. The terrain near the Lebanon-Israel border continues to pose a challenge, necessitating technological solutions and significant financial investment.