What Happens after Aleppo Falls?

Bombed nearly to oblivion by Bashar al-Assad and his Russian allies, and its civilian population reportedly subjected to numerous atrocities by pro-regime soldiers, the key rebel stronghold has fallen. Tom Rogan looks at what is likely to come next:

First off, Syria’s Sunni-dominated rebellion will no longer be a national campaign—it will become a collection of geographically limited ones. Apart from two sparsely populated central areas, the moderate rebels will hold only pockets of southeastern and northeastern Syria. . . . Second, al-Qaeda-linked organizations and other jihadist groups will grow stronger. [Meanwhile], moderate groups will suffer a smack to their credibility after Aleppo falls. . . .

Third, . . . we’ll see expanded external support for the extremists, notably from the Sunni monarchies. Led by the House of Saud, the Sunni kingdoms view Assad through the lens of sectarian hatred. That view is formed partly by Assad’s slaughter of hundreds of thousands of Syrian Sunnis, but also by his alliance with Shiite-revolutionary Iran. After Aleppo, expect the monarchies to increase funding, perhaps through proxies, for groups such as al-Qaeda [and its affiliates]. . . .

Finally, Putin will use Aleppo’s capture to damage U.S. foreign policy. His intentions are already clear. After all, in English-language propaganda outlets such as RT, the Russians are proudly rejecting American demands that Sunni rebels be given safe passage out of Aleppo. . . . Unwilling to pressure Russia, President Obama is simply ignored by Putin. Through this public display of American impotence, Putin asserts his grand strategy in the Middle East.

Read more at National Review

More about: Al Qaeda, Politics & Current Affairs, Saudi Arabia, Syrian civil war, U.S. Foreign policy, Vladimir Putin

 

Israel Just Sent Iran a Clear Message

Early Friday morning, Israel attacked military installations near the Iranian cities of Isfahan and nearby Natanz, the latter being one of the hubs of the country’s nuclear program. Jerusalem is not taking credit for the attack, and none of the details are too certain, but it seems that the attack involved multiple drones, likely launched from within Iran, as well as one or more missiles fired from Syrian or Iraqi airspace. Strikes on Syrian radar systems shortly beforehand probably helped make the attack possible, and there were reportedly strikes on Iraq as well.

Iran itself is downplaying the attack, but the S-300 air-defense batteries in Isfahan appear to have been destroyed or damaged. This is a sophisticated Russian-made system positioned to protect the Natanz nuclear installation. In other words, Israel has demonstrated that Iran’s best technology can’t protect the country’s skies from the IDF. As Yossi Kuperwasser puts it, the attack, combined with the response to the assault on April 13,

clarified to the Iranians that whereas we [Israelis] are not as vulnerable as they thought, they are more vulnerable than they thought. They have difficulty hitting us, but we have no difficulty hitting them.

Nobody knows exactly how the operation was carried out. . . . It is good that a question mark hovers over . . . what exactly Israel did. Let’s keep them wondering. It is good for deniability and good for keeping the enemy uncertain.

The fact that we chose targets that were in the vicinity of a major nuclear facility but were linked to the Iranian missile and air forces was a good message. It communicated that we can reach other targets as well but, as we don’t want escalation, we chose targets nearby that were involved in the attack against Israel. I think it sends the message that if we want to, we can send a stronger message. Israel is not seeking escalation at the moment.

Read more at Jewish Chronicle

More about: Iran, Israeli Security