Up until 2013, the Islamic Republic was developing ballistic missiles with a range of up to 5,000 kilometers, which could reach Europe and even be used against the United States. Yet, following the negotiations concluded in Geneva in November 2013—the interim agreement that led to the 2015 nuclear deal—Iranian officials ceased boasting about developing missiles with a range exceeding 2,000 kilometers. Such missiles, like the one tested last week, could hit any part of Israel, but could not target Europe. Examining the statements made in Iranian media, A. Savyon, Yigal Carmon, and U. Kafash see evidence that Tehran made an unreported pledge to the U.S. not to develop any missiles that can reach farther than 2,000 kilometers:

[A]lthough the permission given to Iran to develop missiles capable of striking Israel is likely not a secret annex of the JCPOA, it still constitutes [an] unwritten understanding that is an integral part of the nuclear deal. It is convenient for both sides not to publish this understanding in written form—for Iran because it rejects any public reference to its missile program, which it defines as defensive but which is in fact offensive, and for the Obama administration because there would be repercussions if it were to be revealed that it had given Iran permission to develop missiles capable of striking Israel.

It should be noted that UN Security Council Resolution 2231 (passed in 2015) constitutes an additional concession by the Obama administration to Iran, in comparison with the previous resolution 1929 (from 2010). This concession has two components. First, UNSCR 1929 banned Iran from conducting any activity concerning missiles capable of carrying nuclear warheads, while UNSCR 2231 replaced the word “capable,” which refers to objective specifications, with the phrase “designed to be capable,” which concerns fluid political matters. Second, while UNSCR 1929 banned Iran from conducting any missile activity, UNSCR 2231 rescinds this ban.

Following Iran’s May 9, 2016 missile test, which took place after the JCPOA’s implementation day—and which embarrassed the Obama administration—the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps’ aerospace and missile division director Amir Ali Hajizadeh said, “The Americans are telling [us]: ‘Don’t talk about missile affairs, and if you conduct a test or maneuver, don’t mention it.’”

While it is commendable that administrators of several universities finally called upon police to crack down on violent and disruptive anti-Israel protests, the actions they have taken may be insufficient. At Columbia, demonstrators reestablished their encampment on the main quad after it had been cleared by the police, and the university seems reluctant to use force again. The school also decided to hold classes remotely until the end of the semester. Such moves, whatever their merits, do nothing to fix the factors that allowed campuses to become hotbeds of pro-Hamas activism in the first place. The editors of National Review examine how things go to this point:

Since the 10/7 massacre, Columbia’s Jewish students have been forced to endure routine calls for their execution. It shouldn’t have taken the slaughter, rape, and brutalization of Israeli Jews to expose chants like “Globalize the intifada” and “Death to the Zionist state” as calls for violence, but the university refused to intervene on behalf of its besieged students. When an Israeli student was beaten with a stick outside Columbia’s library, it occasioned little soul-searching from faculty. Indeed, it served only as the impetus to establish an “Anti-Semitism Task Force,” which subsequently expressed “serious concerns” about the university’s commitment to enforcing its codes of conduct against anti-Semitic violators.

But little was done. Indeed, as late as last month the school served as host to speakers who praised the 10/7 attacks and even “hijacking airplanes” as “important tactics that the Palestinian resistance have engaged in.”

The school’s lackadaisical approach created a permission structure to menace and harass Jewish students, and that’s what happened. . . . Now is the time finally to do something about this kind of harassment and associated acts of trespass and disorder. Yale did the right thing when police cleared out an encampment [on Monday]. But Columbia remains a daily reminder of what happens when freaks and haters are allowed to impose their will on campus.