Last Monday, a surprising number of Ḥaredim broke with precedent to join their countrymen in marking Yom Hazikaron—the solemn day on which Israelis remember their fallen soldiers and victims of terrorism. This, writes Evelyn Gordon, taken together with recent survey data, suggests that divisions within Israeli society are becoming less profound:

Ḥaredim traditionally had two problems with Memorial Day, which falls one day before Independence Day. First, it’s an Israeli holiday rather than a Jewish one, and therefore uncomfortable for a community whose leaders have long viewed the secular Jewish state and its army with suspicion and even hostility. Second, many of the day’s specific observances—like the siren heralding a moment of silence or the wreaths laid on graves—are imported from non-Jewish customs. Ḥaredim, reasonably enough, feel a Jewish state should mark its mostly Jewish dead in a more Jewish fashion.

This year, however, was notably different. Although the main ḥaredi newspapers continued to ignore Memorial Day, leading ḥaredi websites and radio stations devoted extensive coverage to it, including feature stories on ḥaredi soldiers who fell in battle. Every Knesset member from the more moderate ḥaredi party (Shas) planned to attend Memorial Day ceremonies, and the head of the more extreme ḥaredi party (United Torah Judaism) even served as the state’s official representative at one such ceremony, down to laying a wreath at a military cemetery. . . . Ḥaredim also organized their own Memorial Day initiatives . . .

Like Israeli Arabs, Ḥaredim have no interest in assimilating into mainstream [Israeli] culture. And as in the Arab community, anti-Israel extremists haven’t disappeared. But, increasingly, Ḥaredim seek to integrate while retaining their own culture, and thereby to make their own unique contribution to the Jewish state.

On Tuesday, a Hizballah drone attack injured three people in northern Israel. The next day, another attack, targeting an IDF base, injured eighteen people, six of them seriously, in Arab al-Amshe, also in the north. This second attack involved the simultaneous use of drones carrying explosives and guided antitank missiles. In both cases, the defensive systems that performed so successfully last weekend failed to stop the drones and missiles. Ron Ben-Yishai has a straightforward explanation as to why: the Lebanon-backed terrorist group is getting better at evading Israel defenses. He explains the three basis systems used to pilot these unmanned aircraft, and their practical effects:

These systems allow drones to act similarly to fighter jets, using “dead zones”—areas not visible to radar or other optical detection—to approach targets. They fly low initially, then ascend just before crashing and detonating on the target. The terrain of southern Lebanon is particularly conducive to such attacks.

But this requires skills that the terror group has honed over months of fighting against Israel. The latest attacks involved a large drone capable of carrying over 50 kg (110 lbs.) of explosives. The terrorists have likely analyzed Israel’s alert and interception systems, recognizing that shooting down their drones requires early detection to allow sufficient time for launching interceptors.

The IDF tries to detect any incoming drones on its radar, as it had done prior to the war. Despite Hizballah’s learning curve, the IDF’s technological edge offers an advantage. However, the military must recognize that any measure it takes is quickly observed and analyzed, and even the most effective defenses can be incomplete. The terrain near the Lebanon-Israel border continues to pose a challenge, necessitating technological solutions and significant financial investment.