Twenty-three years ago, Iran through its agents in Hizballah bombed a Jewish community center in Buenos Aires, killing 85 and wounding hundreds more. Iran has marked the occasion by saying that it is ready to work with Interpol to resolve the case. That’s nonsense, writes Matthew Levitt:

Tehran’s outreach . . . should be seen for what it is: The fox trying to weasel its way into the investigation of the raided henhouse. If Iran wants to help investigate the AMIA bombing, it should present the Iranians indicted for the crime to Argentine prosecutors. Anything else is hollow rhetoric.

The hypocrisy of Iran’s offer is further highlighted by the fact that it has continued to support Hizballah since 1994, as Levitt points out:

For example, on July 18, 2012—eighteen years to the day after the AMIA bombing—Hizballah operatives murdered six people and wounded many more in a bus bombing at the Burgas airport in Bulgaria. . . .

Beyond Europe, Hizballah activities continued unabated in South America. In November 2014, a Hizballah plot was foiled in Peru. More recently, a Hizballah operative based in the U.S. was sent by the group to carry out surveillance in Panama.

In the past five months, several other suspected operatives have been arrested in the U.S. for their alleged financial ties to Hizballah. Kassim Tajideen was extradited to the United States from Morocco in March 2017 and was charged with being a “prominent financial supporter of the Hizballah terror organization.” In June, Ali Kourani and Samer el Debek were arrested in New York and Michigan, respectively, for their alleged activities in support of Hizballah. Both were arrested on charges of “providing, attempting and conspiring to provide material support to Hizballah,” as well as receiving “military-type training from Hizballah.”

Analyzing the recent direct Iranian attack on Israel, and Israel’s security situation more generally, Michael Oren looks to the 2015 agreement to restrain Iran’s nuclear program. That, and President Biden’s efforts to resurrect the deal after Donald Trump left it, are in his view the source of the current crisis:

Of the original motivations for the deal—blocking Iran’s path to the bomb and transforming Iran into a peaceful nation—neither remained. All Biden was left with was the ability to kick the can down the road and to uphold Barack Obama’s singular foreign-policy achievement.

In order to achieve that result, the administration has repeatedly refused to punish Iran for its malign actions:

Historians will survey this inexplicable record and wonder how the United States not only allowed Iran repeatedly to assault its citizens, soldiers, and allies but consistently rewarded it for doing so. They may well conclude that in a desperate effort to avoid getting dragged into a regional Middle Eastern war, the U.S. might well have precipitated one.

While America’s friends in the Middle East, especially Israel, have every reason to feel grateful for the vital assistance they received in intercepting Iran’s missile and drone onslaught, they might also ask what the U.S. can now do differently to deter Iran from further aggression. . . . Tehran will see this weekend’s direct attack on Israel as a victory—their own—for their ability to continue threatening Israel and destabilizing the Middle East with impunity.

Israel, of course, must respond differently. Our target cannot simply be the Iranian proxies that surround our country and that have waged war on us since October 7, but, as the Saudis call it, “the head of the snake.”