While Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart has been variously portrayed—not wholly inaccurately—as a defiant rebel with a ribald sense of humor and as a consummate Enlightenment rationalist, Richard Bratby points out that he was also devoutly religious:

[T]he Mozarts also enjoyed a long and affectionate relationship with the monks of the Benedictine Abbey of St Peter’s. . . . Wolfgang wrote numerous works for the Abbey—beginning with his Mass K.66 at the age of thirteen, and culminating in the stupendous unfinished Mass in C minor, K.427 of 1783, a work that, if completed, would have matched Beethoven’s Missa solemnis and Bach’s B minor Mass in scale.

Bratby praises this particular setting of the Catholic liturgy for “the towering force and beauty with which it affirms the divine mysteries expressed in the text.” He also observes the religious sentiments found in the composer’s personal writings:

Whether he’s assuring his father that he would never settle in a Protestant country, or convincing the atheist Parisian philosophe Baron von Grimm to believe in miracles, religion is in the air Mozart breathes. He might not have signed his scores Laus Deo, as did his friend Joseph Haydn, but both [his father] Leopold and Wolfgang were convinced that his gift was God-given (“it would be impious to pretend otherwise,” commented Wolfgang).

And where did this idea of artistic talent as divinely inspired come from? According to Jacob Wisse, an early articulation can be found in the book of Exodus.

If there’s one lesson to be learned from the history of the Israel-Arab conflict, it’s never to be confident that an end is in sight. Ehud Yaari nevertheless—and with all due caution—points to some noteworthy developments:

The absolute primacy of “armed struggle” in Palestinian discourse has discouraged any serious attempt to discuss or plan for a future Palestinian state. Palestinian political literature is devoid of any substantial debate over what kind of a state they aspire to create. What would be its economic, foreign, and social policies?

One significant exception was a seminar held by Hamas in Gaza—under the auspices of the late Yahya Sinwar—prior to October 7, 2023. The main focus of what was described as a brainstorming session was the question of how to deal with the Jews in the land to be liberated. A broad consensus between the participants was reached that most Israeli Jews should be eradicated or expelled while those contributing to Israel’s success in high tech and other critical domains would be forced to serve the new Palestinian authorities.

Yet, the ongoing aftershocks from the ongoing war in Gaza are posing questions among Palestinians concerning the viability of armed struggle. So far this trend is reflected mainly in stormy exchanges on social-media platforms and internal controversies within Hamas. There is mounting criticism leveled at the late Mohammad Deif and Yahya Sinwar for embarking upon an uncoordinated offensive that is resulting in a “Second Nakba”—a repeat of the defeat and mass displacement caused by launching the war in 1948.

To be sure, “armed struggle” is still being preached daily to the Palestinian communities by Iran and Iranian proxies, and at least half the Palestinian public—according to various polls—believe it remains indispensable. But doubts are being heard. We may be reaching a point where the Palestinians will feel compelled to make a choice between the road which led to past failures and an attempt to chart a new route. It will certainly require time and is bound to cause fractures and divisions, perhaps even a violent split, among the Palestinians.