Writing of a recent visit to Waddesdon Manor, a home kept by the English branch of the Rothschild family in Britain’s Buckinghamshire county, Brian T. Allen calls it “a unique, unforgettable experience.” And while like so many historic properties in the UK the manor is maintained by the National Trust, which, in Allen’s view, has become “a hardened pellet of woke ideology,” Waddesdon is an exception. He describes its history and some of the remarkable works of art and design it contains:

Built in the late 1870s from scratch by Ferdinand de Rothschild (1839–1898), it’s in a French Renaissance château style that, having collided with high Victorian taste, combusted into a unique caprice.

The Rothschild family has always been deeply involved in Waddesdon. Jacob Rothschild (1936–2024), the Fourth Baron Rothschild, was a constant presence, and a rich one. The Rothschild Foundation still supports the place.

There’s a fascinating family-history gallery that treats, in part, Rothschild involvement in negotiating the Balfour Declaration and, later, the establishment of Israel. Rothschild money paid for the construction of the Knesset. The family’s philanthropy for Jewish charities is ongoing.

Considering the current state of Israel-Arab relations, Ghaith al-Omari writes

First and foremost, no ceasefire will be possible without the release of Israeli hostages and commitments to disarm Hamas and remove it from power. The final say on these matters rests with Hamas commanders on the ground in Gaza, who have been largely impervious to foreign pressure so far. At minimum, however, the United States should insist that Qatari and Egyptian mediators push Hamas’s external leadership to accept these conditions publicly, which could increase pressure on the group’s Gaza leadership.

Washington should also demand a clear, public position from key Arab states regarding disarmament. The Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas endorsed this position in a June letter to Saudi Arabia and France, giving Arab states Palestinian cover for endorsing it themselves.

Some Arab states have already indicated a willingness to play a significant role, but they will have little incentive to commit resources and personnel to Gaza unless Israel (1) provides guarantees that it will not occupy the Strip indefinitely, and (2) removes its veto on a PA role in Gaza’s future, even if only symbolic at first. Arab officials are also seeking assurances that any role they play in Gaza will be in the context of a wider effort to reach a two-state solution.

On the other hand, Washington must remain mindful that current conditions between Israel and the Palestinians are not remotely conducive to . . . implementing a two-state solution.