It was not until the 1650s that Jews were readmitted to England, and only in 1723 were they given the right to own real property—other rights would have to come later. But, Matt Austerklein notes, a group of musicians were allowed to settle in the country during the reign of Henry VIII, which lasted from 1509 to 1547.

King Henry VIII first made contact with the Jews of Venice seeking rabbinic advice to bolster his case for divorce. . . . So when looking for the best musicians for his court, Henry turned again to Venice, recruiting the Bassano family of wind players. The Bassanos served in the Doge’s own civic wind ensemble, and their unsurpassed musical reputation was reported to Henry as “excellent and esteemed above all others.”

There was just one snag—Jews had been outlawed in England since 1290. But this did not deter the king, who brought these crypto-Jewish musicians into the very heart of the Tudor court. Through their playing, and likely through suppressing their Judaism, the Bassanos became fixtures of English Renaissance music, even acquiring a coat of arms.

The tragedy of the Bassanos, however, is the same as that of all Jews in Western music: more often than not, the norms of Western culture and the music industry drove them away from their Judaism, not towards it. Over the generations, the Bassanos were gradually baptized into English society, and their contributions to English Renaissance music came at the price of their identities.

On Monday night, the IDF struck a group of Hamas operatives near the Nasser hospital in Khan Yunis, the main city in southern Gaza. The very fact of this attack was reassuring, as it suggested that the release of Edan Alexander didn’t come with restraints on Israeli military activity. Then, yesterday afternoon, Israeli jets carried out another, larger attack on Khan Yunis, hitting a site where it believed Mohammad Sinwar, the head of Hamas in Gaza, to be hiding. The IDF has not yet confirmed that he was present. There is some hope that the death of Sinwar—who replaced his older brother Yahya after he was killed last year—could have a debilitating effect on Hamas.

Meanwhile, Donald Trump is visiting the Persian Gulf, and it’s unclear how his diplomatic efforts there will affect Israel, its war with Hamas, and Iran. For its part, Jerusalem has committed to resume full-scale operations in Gaza after President Trump returns to the U.S. But, Gabi Simoni and Erez Winner explain, Israel does not have unlimited time to defeat Hamas:

Israel faces persistent security challenges across multiple fronts—Iran, the West Bank, Yemen, Syria, and Lebanon—all demanding significant military resources, especially during periods of escalation. . . . Failing to achieve a decisive victory not only prolongs the conflict but also drains national resources and threatens Israel’s ability to obtain its strategic goals.

Only a swift, forceful military campaign can achieve the war’s objectives: securing the hostages’ release, ensuring Israeli citizens’ safety, and preventing future kidnappings. Avoiding such action won’t just prolong the suffering of the hostages and deepen public uncertainty—it will also drain national resources and weaken Israel’s standing in the region and beyond.

We recommend launching an intense military operation in Gaza without delay, with clear, measurable objectives—crippling Hamas’s military and governance capabilities and securing the release of hostages. Such a campaign should combine military pressure with indirect negotiations, maximizing the chances of a successful outcome while minimizing risks.

Crucially, the operation must be closely coordinated with the United States and moderate Arab states to reduce international pressure and preserve the gains of regional alliances.