Nazi Germany’s Planned War on Jerusalem and Tel Aviv

A favorite trope of anti-Semites, especially on the left, is that there was an underlying affinity between Zionists and Nazis (both wanted to get Jews out of Europe), and that Zionists were somehow guilty of collaboration. Like so many libels, this one contains a grain of truth: the Zionist leadership negotiated with the Nazi regime to get permission for over 30,000 German Jews to come to Palestine. But in reality this was but a desperate measure on the part of the Yishuv to save some Jews when the world was closing its doors to refugees. Furthermore, explains Samuel Miner, Nazi Germany was not at all well-disposed to the establishment of a Jewish state, and was eager to kill Jews in the Middle East:

Between January and July 1942, Field Marshall Erwin Rommel led the newly formed Afrika Korps across North Africa toward the British-held Suez Canal. . . . [H]ad Rommel succeeded in capturing Egypt, an Einsatzgruppe [an SS mobile killing unit], created in order to murder the Jews of Palestine, would have been activated. In July of 1942, the unit, consisting of 24 men, flew to Greece. Had Rommel won the first battle of El Alamein, the unit would have been sent to Egypt and neighboring Palestine to conduct its genocidal project. . . . However, Rommel’s defeats . . . as well as the Allied landing in French North Africa prevented the spread of the Holocaust to Palestine. . . .

Remarkably, archival documents show that months after the defeat of Axis forces in North Africa, the Luftwaffe actually considered a proposal to bomb Jerusalem and Tel Aviv on the anniversary of the Balfour Declaration in November 1943. This plan, proposed by Arab nationalist leader and Nazi collaborator Amin al-Husseini and supported by Heinrich Himmler’s Reich Main Security Office [which controlled the SS and administered the Holocaust] was turned down in summer of 1943 by Hermann Göring, [who was commander of the Luftwaffe]. . . .

[However], the Luftwaffe did consider . . . bombing [Palestine] in 1943, and again in 1944. By then, there were no Axis forces operating anywhere near the Middle East. Furthermore, Luftwaffe planners openly admitted that there were no major industrial targets in Jerusalem, Tel Aviv, or Haifa. The position paper [advocating the bombings] concluded that “Tel Aviv is undoubtedly a place where we can consider retaliating against the British-American terror bombing [of Germany].” This sentiment reflected the Nazis’ conspiratorial worldview, . . . as they believed Jews were in control in London and Washington, as well as Moscow. . . . The Nazi war against the Western powers and the Soviet Union was a war against the Jews.

Read more at Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs

More about: History & Ideas, Holocaust, Mandate Palestine, Nazism, World War II

It’s Time for Haredi Jews to Become Part of Israel’s Story

Unless the Supreme Court grants an extension from a recent ruling, on Monday the Israeli government will be required to withhold state funds from all yeshivas whose students don’t enlist in the IDF. The issue of draft exemptions for Haredim was already becoming more contentious than ever last year; it grew even more urgent after the beginning of the war, as the army for the first time in decades found itself suffering from a manpower crunch. Yehoshua Pfeffer, a haredi rabbi and writer, argues that haredi opposition to army service has become entirely disconnected from its original rationale:

The old imperative of “those outside of full-time Torah study must go to the army” was all but forgotten. . . . The fact that we do not enlist, all of us, regardless of how deeply we might be immersed in the sea of Torah, brings the wrath of Israeli society upon us, gives a bad name to all of haredi society, and desecrates the Name of Heaven. It might still bring harsh decrees upon the yeshiva world. It is time for us to engage in damage limitation.

In Pfeffer’s analysis, today’s haredi leaders, by declaring that they will fight the draft tooth and nail, are violating the explicit teachings of the very rabbis who created and supported the exemptions. He finds the current attempts by haredi publications to justify the status quo not only unconvincing but insincere. At the heart of the matter, according to Pfeffer, is a lack of haredi identification with Israel as a whole, a lack of feeling that the Israeli story is also the haredi story:

Today, it is high time we changed our tune. The new response to the demand for enlistment needs to state, first and foremost to ourselves, that this is our story. On the one hand, it is crucial to maintain and even strengthen our isolation from secular values and culture. . . . On the other hand, this cultural isolationism must not create alienation from our shared story with our fellow brethren living in the Holy Land. Participation in the army is one crucial element of this belonging.

Read more at Tzarich Iyun

More about: Haredim, IDF, Israeli society