Born to a Jewish family in Warsaw, David Ginsburg (1831–1914) was baptized as a teenager, adding “Christian” to the beginning of his name. Unlike many Jews who joined the church in the 19th century, Ginsburg appears to have converted out of conviction. He relocated to England, where he became one of the world’s foremost experts on ancient Judaism, influencing not just other scholars but also such figures as the novelist George Eliot. He achieved social as well as academic success, counting Prime Minister William Gladstone among his friends. J.J. Kimche delves into Ginsburg’s highly unusual life story, and explains its significance, in this conversation with Nachi Weinstein. (Audio, 69 minutes.)

Yesterday I saw an unconfirmed report that the Biden administration has offered Israel a massive arms deal in exchange for a promise not to strike Iran’s nuclear facilities. Even if the report is incorrect, there is plenty of other evidence that the White House has been trying to dissuade Jerusalem from mounting such an attack. The thinking behind this pressure is hard to fathom, as there is little Israel could do that would better serve American interests in the Middle East than putting some distance between the ayatollahs and nuclear weapons. Aaron MacLean explains why this is so, in the context of a broader discussion of strategic priorities in the Middle East and elsewhere:

If the Iran issue were satisfactorily adjusted in the direction of the American interest, the question of Israel’s security would become more manageable overnight. If a network of American partners enjoyed security against state predation, the proactive suppression of militarily less serious threats like Islamic State would be more easily organized—and indeed, such partners would be less vulnerable to the manipulation of powers external to the region.

[The Biden administration’s] commitment to escalation avoidance has had the odd effect of making the security situation in the region look a great deal as it would if America had actually withdrawn [from the Middle East].

Alternatively, we could project competence by effectively backing our Middle East partners in their competitions against their enemies, who are also our enemies, by ensuring a favorable overall balance of power in the region by means of our partnership network, and by preventing Iran from achieving nuclear status—even if it courts escalation with Iran in the shorter run.