Leifer tells a story of a mid-20th zenith of American Jewish flourishing that has now come to an end; in Egypt, the equivalent era of Jewish efflorescence began earlier, and ended far more abruptly. Gavriel Fiske reviews Sacred Places Tell Tales: Jewish Life and Heritage in Modern Cairo, by Yoram Meital, which focuses on that golden era.

During the late 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, Jewish life in Cairo was transformed by an influx of Ashkenazi Jews from Eastern Europe, who were distinct from the local Mizrahi and Karaite Jews. During the same period, new neighborhoods were being built, enabling Jews for the first time to set up new centers and synagogues beyond the confines of ancient Cairo.

The Sephardi community, whose members spoke both French and Arabic, was run by close-knit families of “Jewish tycoons,” who were “pioneers in establishing modern Egyptian industry and agriculture. [They were] very rich. They ran a significant part of the Egyptian economy,” Meital said, though he stressed that the Sephardi community had a range of socioeconomic levels. These wealthy families were also involved in the economy of Ottoman (and then British Mandate) Palestine, buying properties and sending donations to Jewish concerns there.

Egypt turned sharply against its Jews in 1948, and the 1950s and 1960s saw persecution of those who hadn’t fled.

Considering the current state of Israel-Arab relations, Ghaith al-Omari writes

First and foremost, no ceasefire will be possible without the release of Israeli hostages and commitments to disarm Hamas and remove it from power. The final say on these matters rests with Hamas commanders on the ground in Gaza, who have been largely impervious to foreign pressure so far. At minimum, however, the United States should insist that Qatari and Egyptian mediators push Hamas’s external leadership to accept these conditions publicly, which could increase pressure on the group’s Gaza leadership.

Washington should also demand a clear, public position from key Arab states regarding disarmament. The Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas endorsed this position in a June letter to Saudi Arabia and France, giving Arab states Palestinian cover for endorsing it themselves.

Some Arab states have already indicated a willingness to play a significant role, but they will have little incentive to commit resources and personnel to Gaza unless Israel (1) provides guarantees that it will not occupy the Strip indefinitely, and (2) removes its veto on a PA role in Gaza’s future, even if only symbolic at first. Arab officials are also seeking assurances that any role they play in Gaza will be in the context of a wider effort to reach a two-state solution.

On the other hand, Washington must remain mindful that current conditions between Israel and the Palestinians are not remotely conducive to . . . implementing a two-state solution.