Most recent discussions of Gaza have assumed that the territory’s current makeup—predominately Muslim and uniformly Arab—has been a constant for centuries. But, in fact, it has a long and rich Jewish history. Jeffrey Woolf informs Itzchak Tessler about an attempt to expel the Jews from Gaza in the 6th century CE:

Following the great Samaritan revolt, the Byzantine emperor Justinian I rebuilt Gaza and sought to exclude Jews. However, not only did Jews reside there, but they also established a magnificent synagogue, remains of which—including stunning mosaics—were uncovered after the IDF entered Gaza during Operation Iron Swords.

The area revived as a center of Jewish learning in the 15th, 16th, and 17th centuries, Woolf explains:

“Rabbi Obadiah of Bartenura, an Italian rabbi and halakhic authority . . . immigrated to the Land of Israel, documenting his journey through various Jewish communities. In 1488, he visited Gaza and spoke highly of the local rabbi.”

The rabbi who truly put Gaza on the map was Rabbi Israel Najara. Born in Safed in 1555 to a family of Sephardi exiles, Najara became a highly respected halakhic authority. “He was deeply revered as a halakhic scholar,” says Woolf, “but also faced criticism as a poet and composer. Many people know his famous Sabbath hymn Yah Ribbon Olam, but he wrote many others.”

The last chief rabbi of Gaza, writes Tessler, was Nissim Binyamin Ohana, who held the position from 1907 to 1912 and had a warm relationship with the local mufti.

For more than a year, the Iran-backed Houthis have been launching drones and missiles at ships traversing the Red Sea, as well as at Israeli territory, in support of Hamas. This development has drastically curtailed shipping through the Suez Canal and the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, driving up trade prices. This week, the Trump administration began an extensive bombing campaign against the Houthis in an effort to reopen that crucial waterway. Burcu Ozcelik highlights another benefit of this action:

The administration has a broader geopolitical agenda—one that includes countering China’s economic leverage, particularly Beijing’s reliance on Iranian oil. By targeting the Houthis, the United States is not only safeguarding vital shipping lanes but also exerting pressure on the Iran-China energy nexus, a key component of Beijing’s strategic posture in the region.

China was the primary destination for up to 90 percent of Iran’s oil exports in 2024, underscoring the deepening economic ties between Beijing and Tehran despite U.S. sanctions. By helping fill Iranian coffers, China aids Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps in financing proxies like the Houthis. Since October of last year, notable U.S. Treasury announcements have revealed covert links between China and the Houthis.

Striking the Houthis could trigger broader repercussions—not least by disrupting the flow of Iranian oil to China. While difficult to confirm, it is conceivable and has been reported, that the Houthis may have received financial or other forms of compensation from China (such as Chinese-made military components) in exchange for allowing freedom of passage for China-affiliated vessels in the Red Sea.