Besides being the seventh day of Passover, last Saturday marked the 250th anniversary of the Battle of Lexington and Concord, the first significant military confrontation of the Revolutionary War. To mark the occasion, Rich Tenorio speaks with Adam Jortner about the role of Revolutionary-era Jews, who made up about 0.1 percent of the colonies’ population, in forming the American tradition of religious freedom. Jortner argues that one of the many contributing factors was “Jews—and Catholics as well—showing up to the patriot cause.”

By the same token, the Revolution also left its mark on the Jews:

A new generation of religious and lay leaders developed a synagogue model that was more democratic in character than previous versions. This, the author claims, stemmed from their shared Revolutionary experience: due to their patriot sympathies, they fled British-controlled areas in other colonies for Philadelphia and its synagogue, Mikveh Israel.

The new Mikveh Israel constitution, [drawn up in 1782], was “a much more democratic constitution,” Jortner said, “with far more power placed in the membership of the synagogue—and membership is a choice,” unlike Europe, where the synagogue and the Jewish community were synonymous and where birth determined synagogue membership.

“The Jews sort of formed a national model for a synagogue because of the war,” Jortner said. “By and large, they accepted the ideals of the Revolution.” And, he noted, “the leaders of Mikveh Israel would go on to lead every major Jewish congregation over the next ten years.”

On Monday night, the IDF struck a group of Hamas operatives near the Nasser hospital in Khan Yunis, the main city in southern Gaza. The very fact of this attack was reassuring, as it suggested that the release of Edan Alexander didn’t come with restraints on Israeli military activity. Then, yesterday afternoon, Israeli jets carried out another, larger attack on Khan Yunis, hitting a site where it believed Mohammad Sinwar, the head of Hamas in Gaza, to be hiding. The IDF has not yet confirmed that he was present. There is some hope that the death of Sinwar—who replaced his older brother Yahya after he was killed last year—could have a debilitating effect on Hamas.

Meanwhile, Donald Trump is visiting the Persian Gulf, and it’s unclear how his diplomatic efforts there will affect Israel, its war with Hamas, and Iran. For its part, Jerusalem has committed to resume full-scale operations in Gaza after President Trump returns to the U.S. But, Gabi Simoni and Erez Winner explain, Israel does not have unlimited time to defeat Hamas:

Israel faces persistent security challenges across multiple fronts—Iran, the West Bank, Yemen, Syria, and Lebanon—all demanding significant military resources, especially during periods of escalation. . . . Failing to achieve a decisive victory not only prolongs the conflict but also drains national resources and threatens Israel’s ability to obtain its strategic goals.

Only a swift, forceful military campaign can achieve the war’s objectives: securing the hostages’ release, ensuring Israeli citizens’ safety, and preventing future kidnappings. Avoiding such action won’t just prolong the suffering of the hostages and deepen public uncertainty—it will also drain national resources and weaken Israel’s standing in the region and beyond.

We recommend launching an intense military operation in Gaza without delay, with clear, measurable objectives—crippling Hamas’s military and governance capabilities and securing the release of hostages. Such a campaign should combine military pressure with indirect negotiations, maximizing the chances of a successful outcome while minimizing risks.

Crucially, the operation must be closely coordinated with the United States and moderate Arab states to reduce international pressure and preserve the gains of regional alliances.