Countless Americans now have an image of aristocratic English life formed by the television series Downton Abbey. But few would know that the very real castle where the show was filmed was the longtime residence of Countess Almina Herbert, who was an illegitimate daughter of Alfred de Rothschild, a leading member of the famous Jewish banking family. Phoebe Maltz Bovy reviews the book whence she learned this tidbit, and much else:

“Country houses conferred on their inhabitants a significant position in the local community—sometimes even stewardship of its affairs.” So explains the collaborative introduction of Jewish Country Houses, a collection published late last year that is part academic anthology and part coffee-table book. Prior to emancipation, European Jews were, with rare exceptions, barred from property ownership, kept out of many professions, and otherwise legally constrained. The lifting of these legal restrictions did not immediately bring about social or economic integration, but in time some Jews became, in effect and sometimes in fact, aristocracy. What did it mean that a Jew could become a member of any part of mainstream society, including lord or lady of the manor?

The prospect of wealthy Jews displacing old-stock European nobility would come to be one of the main anxieties animating modern Western anti-Semitism.

On Monday night, the IDF struck a group of Hamas operatives near the Nasser hospital in Khan Yunis, the main city in southern Gaza. The very fact of this attack was reassuring, as it suggested that the release of Edan Alexander didn’t come with restraints on Israeli military activity. Then, yesterday afternoon, Israeli jets carried out another, larger attack on Khan Yunis, hitting a site where it believed Mohammad Sinwar, the head of Hamas in Gaza, to be hiding. The IDF has not yet confirmed that he was present. There is some hope that the death of Sinwar—who replaced his older brother Yahya after he was killed last year—could have a debilitating effect on Hamas.

Meanwhile, Donald Trump is visiting the Persian Gulf, and it’s unclear how his diplomatic efforts there will affect Israel, its war with Hamas, and Iran. For its part, Jerusalem has committed to resume full-scale operations in Gaza after President Trump returns to the U.S. But, Gabi Simoni and Erez Winner explain, Israel does not have unlimited time to defeat Hamas:

Israel faces persistent security challenges across multiple fronts—Iran, the West Bank, Yemen, Syria, and Lebanon—all demanding significant military resources, especially during periods of escalation. . . . Failing to achieve a decisive victory not only prolongs the conflict but also drains national resources and threatens Israel’s ability to obtain its strategic goals.

Only a swift, forceful military campaign can achieve the war’s objectives: securing the hostages’ release, ensuring Israeli citizens’ safety, and preventing future kidnappings. Avoiding such action won’t just prolong the suffering of the hostages and deepen public uncertainty—it will also drain national resources and weaken Israel’s standing in the region and beyond.

We recommend launching an intense military operation in Gaza without delay, with clear, measurable objectives—crippling Hamas’s military and governance capabilities and securing the release of hostages. Such a campaign should combine military pressure with indirect negotiations, maximizing the chances of a successful outcome while minimizing risks.

Crucially, the operation must be closely coordinated with the United States and moderate Arab states to reduce international pressure and preserve the gains of regional alliances.