Born in Canterbury, England in 1808, Nathaniel Isaacs spent much of his early life on the island of St. Helena, where his uncles were engaged in business. He and his brother became “confidants” of Napoleon Bonaparte, who had been exiled there after his defeat. Then his life really became interesting. Rich Tenorio writes:

After three years on St. Helena, Isaacs befriended an ambitious Canadian sea captain, James Saunders King, who invited him to join a bid for fortune in South Africa. King and Isaacs successfully journeyed to Cape Town, but a subsequent trip to Port Natal—in search of one of King’s lost comrades who had been entrusted with creating a trading post—ended in a shipwreck. King, Isaacs and other crew members survived, thanks in part to a hospitable reception from the Zulus. They learned that members of the previous expedition to create a trading post were very much alive. [The famed Zulu ruler], Shaka, requested to meet with the white newcomers. Those who obliged included Isaacs, who brought a massive stash of ivory to the Zulu leader.

Isaacs won renown among the Zulus by participating in a deadly attack on another tribe, during which he sustained a wound in the back. As a result, Shaka bestowed a “praise name” or honorific on Isaacs, who later received a chieftaincy, which came with a plot of land.

Later, as a British agent in West Africa, Isaacs negotiated treaties with local rulers to end the slave trade—yet he eventually became a slaveholding warlord himself.

Considering the current state of Israel-Arab relations, Ghaith al-Omari writes

First and foremost, no ceasefire will be possible without the release of Israeli hostages and commitments to disarm Hamas and remove it from power. The final say on these matters rests with Hamas commanders on the ground in Gaza, who have been largely impervious to foreign pressure so far. At minimum, however, the United States should insist that Qatari and Egyptian mediators push Hamas’s external leadership to accept these conditions publicly, which could increase pressure on the group’s Gaza leadership.

Washington should also demand a clear, public position from key Arab states regarding disarmament. The Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas endorsed this position in a June letter to Saudi Arabia and France, giving Arab states Palestinian cover for endorsing it themselves.

Some Arab states have already indicated a willingness to play a significant role, but they will have little incentive to commit resources and personnel to Gaza unless Israel (1) provides guarantees that it will not occupy the Strip indefinitely, and (2) removes its veto on a PA role in Gaza’s future, even if only symbolic at first. Arab officials are also seeking assurances that any role they play in Gaza will be in the context of a wider effort to reach a two-state solution.

On the other hand, Washington must remain mindful that current conditions between Israel and the Palestinians are not remotely conducive to . . . implementing a two-state solution.