The most ancient Hebrew texts are written in a script very different—but not wholly dissimilar—from that used today, although there is a one-to-one correspondence between their letters. Aaron Koller explains how and why the transition took place, and what the Talmud has to say about it:

When Judah was conquered by the Babylonians, the Judeans found themselves in exile in a kingdom that had adopted the Aramaic alphabet. While Akkadian had been the official language of Babylonia for centuries, by the 6th century BCE, it was mostly relegated to elite [usage]. In its place, due to heavy immigration of Arameans south into Mesopotamia, Aramaic had gained dominance as the spoken language, and Assyrian and Babylonian kings employed scribes of both languages.

Judeans . . . quickly adapted to the use of Aramaic writing, enabling them to take part in the economy and society. Nevertheless, Judeans in the Babylonian exile continued to use Old Hebrew script as well, especially when writing in Hebrew.

The Persian conquest of Babylonia cemented the transition—but not completely. Koller observes that the Old Hebrew script continued to be used alongside the new even after the destruction of the Second Temple.

Considering the current state of Israel-Arab relations, Ghaith al-Omari writes

First and foremost, no ceasefire will be possible without the release of Israeli hostages and commitments to disarm Hamas and remove it from power. The final say on these matters rests with Hamas commanders on the ground in Gaza, who have been largely impervious to foreign pressure so far. At minimum, however, the United States should insist that Qatari and Egyptian mediators push Hamas’s external leadership to accept these conditions publicly, which could increase pressure on the group’s Gaza leadership.

Washington should also demand a clear, public position from key Arab states regarding disarmament. The Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas endorsed this position in a June letter to Saudi Arabia and France, giving Arab states Palestinian cover for endorsing it themselves.

Some Arab states have already indicated a willingness to play a significant role, but they will have little incentive to commit resources and personnel to Gaza unless Israel (1) provides guarantees that it will not occupy the Strip indefinitely, and (2) removes its veto on a PA role in Gaza’s future, even if only symbolic at first. Arab officials are also seeking assurances that any role they play in Gaza will be in the context of a wider effort to reach a two-state solution.

On the other hand, Washington must remain mindful that current conditions between Israel and the Palestinians are not remotely conducive to . . . implementing a two-state solution.