Is Donald Trump’s Approach to Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking Just What’s Needed?

During his recent diplomatic tour of the Middle East, Jared Kushner didn’t specify any details of the Trump administration’s purported peace plan. But he did give a remarkable interview to the Palestinian newspaper Al-Quds in which he told Palestinians, “Don’t allow your grandfathers’ conflict to determine your children’s future.” Zev Chafets comments:

In other words, [Kushner is saying that] the war against the Jewish state is over. You lost. Now, get over it. Kushner dismissed the traditional Palestinian core issues (the return of refugees, a fully sovereign state including east Jerusalem, and the end of Jewish settlement in the West Bank) as “talking points” in an endless quarrel. . . .

[His statement] assumes that a new generation of Palestinians will put material self-interest before anti-Zionist dogma, and accept a peace with Israel that offers Muslim control of the holy places in Jerusalem, limited communal autonomy in the West Bank, and prosperity through massive public- and private-sector investment. . . . Kushner thinks that young, upwardly mobile Palestinians will take a chance and leap. But it won’t be easy. For them, it would not be like challenging a distant dictatorship, à la the Egyptian Arab Spring. It would be more personal, a rejection of elders, relatives in the Diaspora, and a widely believed national narrative. . . .

[Moreover] the kind of prosperity Kushner is talking about . . . depends on the Trump administration’s ability to provide major economic benefits, and fast. . . . After the 1993 Oslo Accords, there was [also] grandiose talk about international investments in the Palestinian economy. The second intifada, which began in 2000, put a damper on this. So has the endemic corruption of the Palestinian ruling class and its bureaucracy. And Israeli entrepreneurs were mostly unwelcome; West Bankers didn’t want to be accused of collaboration. This could change, but Trump’s “peace through prosperity” approach would have to produce results.

Still, the Trump plan has a lot going for it, starting with Donald Trump’s attitude. Previous U.S. administrations wanted to be seen as honest brokers. . . . Trump has made it abundantly clear that he is not neutral. He sees things Israel’s way. If current Palestinian leaders reject his plan and no one comes forward to take it up, well, that’s their problem. If there is no Palestinian partner, Trump will let Israel go ahead and impose the deal it wants in the West Bank. This is serious leverage. . . . Perhaps Trump is naïve to think [his plan will work]. Or maybe he is right.

Read more at Bloomberg

More about: Donald Trump, Israel & Zionism, Jared Kushner, Palestinians, Peace Process

It’s Time for Haredi Jews to Become Part of Israel’s Story

Unless the Supreme Court grants an extension from a recent ruling, on Monday the Israeli government will be required to withhold state funds from all yeshivas whose students don’t enlist in the IDF. The issue of draft exemptions for Haredim was already becoming more contentious than ever last year; it grew even more urgent after the beginning of the war, as the army for the first time in decades found itself suffering from a manpower crunch. Yehoshua Pfeffer, a haredi rabbi and writer, argues that haredi opposition to army service has become entirely disconnected from its original rationale:

The old imperative of “those outside of full-time Torah study must go to the army” was all but forgotten. . . . The fact that we do not enlist, all of us, regardless of how deeply we might be immersed in the sea of Torah, brings the wrath of Israeli society upon us, gives a bad name to all of haredi society, and desecrates the Name of Heaven. It might still bring harsh decrees upon the yeshiva world. It is time for us to engage in damage limitation.

In Pfeffer’s analysis, today’s haredi leaders, by declaring that they will fight the draft tooth and nail, are violating the explicit teachings of the very rabbis who created and supported the exemptions. He finds the current attempts by haredi publications to justify the status quo not only unconvincing but insincere. At the heart of the matter, according to Pfeffer, is a lack of haredi identification with Israel as a whole, a lack of feeling that the Israeli story is also the haredi story:

Today, it is high time we changed our tune. The new response to the demand for enlistment needs to state, first and foremost to ourselves, that this is our story. On the one hand, it is crucial to maintain and even strengthen our isolation from secular values and culture. . . . On the other hand, this cultural isolationism must not create alienation from our shared story with our fellow brethren living in the Holy Land. Participation in the army is one crucial element of this belonging.

Read more at Tzarich Iyun

More about: Haredim, IDF, Israeli society