With Israeli elections on the horizon, David M. Weinberg notes that a number of politicians—from the right-wing secularist Avigdor Liberman to the left-wing Stav Shafrir to the centrist Yair Lapid—have been trying to gain votes by scapegoating Ḥaredim and stoking fears of disappearing religious freedom. Weinberg finds the tenor of these appeals both hysterical and intolerant:

The religion-baiting campaigns of these politicians goes . . . beyond expected (and sometimes justifiable) criticism of the ḥaredi-ized rabbinic bureaucracy. . . . If such [rhetoric] were to be used [in the Diaspora], every Jewish defense agency would be screaming bloody murder. I hear things like this [from speeches and campaign advertisements]: rabbis are out to indoctrinate your children and subjugate your women; religious Jews will imprison you (in your home on Shabbat), spoil your food (via kashrut impositions), and restrict your sexual freedoms (especially LGBTQ rights).

It’s time to reassert some rationality and moderation in national debates over matters of religion and state, or faith and democracy. . . . I am convinced that the vast majority of Israelis are profoundly uncomfortable with the current anti-religious rabble-rousing. Disagreements about matters of faith and policy can be adjudicated reasonably out of respect for both tradition and [personal freedom]. And we are, ultimately and unquestionably, a nation of believers and democrats.

Not so long ago, the steadfast leaders of the socialist-secularist Zionist left like David Ben-Gurion had no problem articulating their love for Jewish erudition and acting on their desire that all Israeli youth be knowledgeable of Jewish texts. Ben-Gurion would have angrily rejected the simplistic and false dichotomy that [some politicians] promote about Judaism and liberalism. “There is no wall of separation in Israel between Judaism and humanism,” wrote Ben-Gurion in 1954. “Our physical and spiritual lives are entirely integrated in one overarching and embracing framework: Jewish sovereignty.”

We need politicians like Ben-Gurion . . . today; men of reflection whose non-religious ideological moorings were secure and deep enough to embrace [both] Jewish and Zionist roots.

On Tuesday, a Hizballah drone attack injured three people in northern Israel. The next day, another attack, targeting an IDF base, injured eighteen people, six of them seriously, in Arab al-Amshe, also in the north. This second attack involved the simultaneous use of drones carrying explosives and guided antitank missiles. In both cases, the defensive systems that performed so successfully last weekend failed to stop the drones and missiles. Ron Ben-Yishai has a straightforward explanation as to why: the Lebanon-backed terrorist group is getting better at evading Israel defenses. He explains the three basis systems used to pilot these unmanned aircraft, and their practical effects:

These systems allow drones to act similarly to fighter jets, using “dead zones”—areas not visible to radar or other optical detection—to approach targets. They fly low initially, then ascend just before crashing and detonating on the target. The terrain of southern Lebanon is particularly conducive to such attacks.

But this requires skills that the terror group has honed over months of fighting against Israel. The latest attacks involved a large drone capable of carrying over 50 kg (110 lbs.) of explosives. The terrorists have likely analyzed Israel’s alert and interception systems, recognizing that shooting down their drones requires early detection to allow sufficient time for launching interceptors.

The IDF tries to detect any incoming drones on its radar, as it had done prior to the war. Despite Hizballah’s learning curve, the IDF’s technological edge offers an advantage. However, the military must recognize that any measure it takes is quickly observed and analyzed, and even the most effective defenses can be incomplete. The terrain near the Lebanon-Israel border continues to pose a challenge, necessitating technological solutions and significant financial investment.