What to Expect from the Israeli Election

Sept. 16 2019

Tomorrow Israelis go to the polls for the second election of 2019, in which the two main contenders will be the Likud, led by Benjamin Netanyahu, and the centrist Blue and White, led by Benny Gantz and Yair Lapid. Neither party is likely to have an easy path to forming the 61-seat Knesset majority needed to form a government, a reality that has affected both parties’ campaigns. Haviv Rettig Gur explains how the anomalous political situation has led to something very different from the contest between left-wing and right-wing “blocs” of parties predicted by most analysts, and examines the various possible outcomes:

This is a deeply strange election: a first-of-its-kind redo in a single year; a first-in-a-decade challenge to Likud’s unassailable rule, with [Avigdor Liberman’s right-wing secularist] Yisrael Beytenu party unmoored from the right and demanding a secular unity government [i.e., one that excludes the Orthodox parties]. . . .

[Meanwhile], with neither Netanyahu nor Gantz assured of 61 legislators’ recommendations for the position of prime minister to President Reuven Rivlin, the two leading parties are now in a race to become the largest single faction. Being the biggest party, they believe, will assure them Rivlin’s nomination as prime minister-designate.

And that has meant turning on their own blocs. It is easier to draw a right-wing voter [from the newly formed] Yamina party to Likud through scaremongering about “leftists” than it is to draw a Blue and White voter to within a half-mile of Netanyahu. It is similarly easier to draw a voter from Labor or [the former prime minister Ehud Barak’s newly formed] Democratic Camp to a “secular” campaign by Blue and White than to pull in a far-rightist.

The 22nd Knesset is not likely to agree a second time in a year to a . . . third election. If Gantz offers Liberman sufficiently robust promises of ministries, budgets, and policy influence, Liberman is quite likely to agree to wait it out with him—positioning the Yisrael Beytenu leader as the nation’s kingmaker. . . . In one possible scenario, President Reuven Rivlin might first ask Netanyahu to form a coalition, and Netanyahu might fail to do so before the deadline, in which case Rivlin would give Gantz an opportunity. What then?

Netanyahu’s best hope would be either to negotiate a power-sharing government with Gantz—in which Gantz would be prime minister first. . . . If Netanyahu does not seem willing to join a Gantz government after failing to establish his own, it is safe to assume that the entirety of Gantz’s roughly 42-day negotiating period will consist of one thing and one thing only: convincing Likud to drop Netanyahu, who will have transformed at that point from the party’s greatest electoral asset to the main obstacle preventing it from returning to power, albeit shared power.

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Read more at Times of Israel

More about: Avigdor Liberman, Benjamin Netanyahu, Benny Gantz, Israeli Election 2019, Israeli politics

 

The Evidence of BDS Anti-Semitism Speaks for Itself

Oct. 18 2019

Israel’s Ministry of Strategic Affairs recently released a lengthy report titled Behind the Mask, documenting the varieties of naked anti-Semitic rhetoric and imagery employed by the movement to boycott, divest from, and sanction the Jewish state (BDS). Drawn largely but not exclusively from Internet sources, its examples range from a tweet by a member of Students for Justice in Palestine (the “world would be soooo much better without jews man”), to an enormous inflated pig bearing a star of David and floating behind the stage as the rock musician Roger Waters performs, to accusations by an influential anti-Israel blogger that Israel is poisoning Palestinian wells. Cary Nelson sums up the report’s conclusions and their implications, all of which give the lie to the disingenuous claim that critics of BDS are trying to brand “legitimate criticism of Israel” as anti-Semitic.

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Read more at Fathom

More about: Anti-Semitism, BDS, Roger Waters, Social media