Having come to Canada in 2017 from war-torn Syria, Aboud Dandachi has enjoyed not just physical safety but newfound freedoms—including the freedom to interact with Israelis. He was thus eager to attend a talk at York University by a group of IDF reservists. There he encountered a rude surprise:

Shortly before the event started, a large group of people waving Palestinian flags and shouting anti-Israel, pro-intifada slogans through speakerphones made its way up to the floor where the event was to be held. During the event, they proceeded to bang on the doors to the auditorium and to use the speakerphones to drown out the event being held inside. Several times, the event was interrupted by hateful, angry individuals who had come in with every intention of being as disruptive and disrespectful as possible. Outside, their friends made sure to cover every exit from the auditorium and blare their slogans non-stop.

I was astonished at the number of police officers and private security guards that were required to keep the angry crowd outside away from those inside the auditorium. Bashar al-Assad, when he triumphantly drove into the formerly rebel-held Damascus neighborhood of Ghouta, hadn’t required such a large security detail.

One [attendee] compared the happenings of that night with her experience under the KGB in the Soviet Union. The KGB, like the Syrian secret police, were thugs dedicated to imposing and policing an orthodoxy of thought. No dissenting opinion to be tolerated. Just as the angry crowd outside were not about to tolerate any opposing opinion.

From the Korean War onward, the U.S. has rarely fought wars alone, but has instead led coalitions of various allied states. Israel stands out in that it has close military and diplomatic relations with Washington yet its forces have never been part of these coalitions—even in the 1991 Gulf War, when Iraqi missiles were raining down on its cities. The primary reason for its exclusion was the sensitivity of participating Arab and Muslim nations. But now that Jerusalem has diplomatic relations with several Arab countries and indeed regularly participates alongside them in U.S.-led joint military exercises, David Levy believes it may someday soon be asked to contribute to an American expedition.

It is unlikely that Israel would be expected by the U.S. to deploy the Golani [infantry] brigade or any other major army unit. Instead, Washington will likely solicit areas of IDF niche expertise. These include missile defense and special forces, two areas in which Israel is a world leader. The IDF has capabilities that it can share by providing trainers and observers. Naval and air support would also be expected as these assets are inherently deployable. Israel can also provide allies in foreign wars with intelligence and cyber-warfare support, much of which can be accomplished without the physical deployment of troops.

Jerusalem’s previous reasons for abstention from coalitions were legitimate. Since its independence, Israel has faced existential threats. Conventional Arab armies sought to eliminate the nascent state in 1948-49, 1967, and again in 1973. This danger remained ever-present until the 1978 signing of the Camp David Accords, which established peace between Egypt and Israel. Post-Camp David, the threats to Israel remain serious but are no longer existential. If Iran were to become a nuclear power, this would pose a new existential threat. Until then, Israel is relatively well secured.

Jerusalem’s new Arab allies would welcome its aid. Western capitals, especially Washington, should be expected to pursue Israel’s military assistance, and Jerusalem will have little choice but to acquiesce to the expeditionary expectation.