Yesterday marked the two-year anniversary of the opening of the American embassy in Jerusalem, which has not brought about the diplomatic disasters or waves of violence opponents of such a move have warned of for decades. Now, writes Efraim Inbar, Israel should take advantage of the present circumstances to construct housing and infrastructure in the city and its immediate environs—for reasons religious, historical, and strategic:

The recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of the Jewish state appears to have become a permanent principle of U.S. foreign policy. The former vice-president Joseph Biden, the current Democratic candidate for president, has said that, if elected, he will not move the embassy back to Tel Aviv. As more time passes, additional countries will surely be persuaded to emulate America and recognize reality.

The Trump administration’s Middle East peace plan has further fortified Israel’s control over Jerusalem. The plan affirms Israel’s right to the entirety of “undivided Jerusalem,” reiterating its recognition as Israel’s capital. The plan places the Old City of Jerusalem under Israeli sovereignty, and gives Israel the task of safeguarding holy sites and guaranteeing freedom of worship, including al-Aqsa mosque on the Temple Mount.

Israel intends to maintain the Jordan Valley as its eastern defensible border. This requires securing the highway from the Mediterranean coast [in the west], where most Israelis live, to the Jordan Valley [in the east] via an undivided Jerusalem and [the Jerusalem suburb of] Maaleh Adumim. Jerusalem, the only junction along the central mountains in the Land of Israel, is the linchpin for maintaining a defensive line across to the Jordan Valley.

The first priority of the new Israeli government should be building in and around Jerusalem. Within the parameters of the Trump plan, the new Israeli government should seize the opportunity to strengthen its hold over the city.

In his inauguration speech, Donald Trump put forth ambitious goals for his first days in office. An additional item that should be on the agenda of his administration, and also that of the 119th Congress, should be defunding, and ideally dismantling, UNRWA. The UN Relief and Works Organization for Palestine Refugees—to give its full name—is deeply enmeshed with Hamas in Gaza, has inculcated generations of young Palestinians with anti-Semitism, and exists primarily to perpetuate the Israel-Palestinian conflict. Robert Satloff explains what must be done.

[T]here is an inherent contradiction in support for UNRWA (given its anti-resettlement posture) and support for a two-state solution (or any negotiated resolution) to the Israel-Palestinian conflict. Providing relief to millions of Palestinians based on the argument that their legitimate, rightful home lies inside Israel is deeply counterproductive to the search for peace.

Last October, the Israeli parliament voted overwhelmingly to pass two laws that will come into effect January 30: a ban on UNRWA operations in Israeli sovereign territory and the severing of all Israeli ties with the agency. This includes cancellation of a post-1967 agreement that allowed UNRWA to operate freely in what was then newly occupied territory.

A more ambitious U.S. approach could score a win-win achievement that advances American interests in Middle East peace while saving millions of taxpayer dollars. Namely, Washington could take advantage of Israel’s new laws to create an alternative support mechanism that eases UNRWA out of Gaza. This would entail raising the stakes with other specialized UN agencies operating in the area. Instead of politely asking them if they can assume UNRWA’s job in Gaza, the Trump administration should put them on notice that continued U.S. funding of their own global operations is contingent on their taking over those tasks. Only such a dramatic step is likely to produce results.