In 2014, a change in Israeli election law encouraged Israel’s various Arab political parties to unite in a Join List, which went on to become a significant force in the Knesset. But, ahead of next month’s elections, the conservative Ra’am faction has left the Joint List. Other parties, meanwhile, see a chance to scoop up Arab voters. Last week Likud issued its first-ever Arabic campaign video. Haviv Rettig Gur comments:

The collapse of an Arab political consensus that saw the parties put aside internal differences in favor of unity, appears set to drive down turnout in Arab towns. . . . The lopping off of Ra’am has changed the conversation in the Arab political arena. In the past, the parties would jockey for higher placement on their amalgamated slate, which the average voter didn’t care about. “Now the fights are over agendas, issues,” [the pollster Yousef] Makladeh said.

Those issues are among the fundamental fissures of Arab politics: gay rights (Ra’am opposes, Ḥadash endorses); the approach to the Israel-Palestinian conflict; the place of religion in public life; and Ra’am’s desire to join ruling coalitions, even if it means dealing with right-wing parties, in order to bring funding to Arab towns.

That looming collapse has driven a massive effort among other parties to appeal to disenchanted Arab voters. [But] it’s too simple to dismiss the newfound commitment of Jewish politicians to the Arab community as mere politicking. Politicians from left-wing Meretz to right-wing Yamina like to think of themselves as inclusive and egalitarian, even if campaign strategy sometimes pushed them to behave otherwise.

Like his predecessor, Donald Trump seeks to expand the Abraham Accords to include Saudi Arabia. But there are other Arab nations that might consider taking such a step. Ahmad Charai points to Kuwait—home to the Middle East’s largest U.S. army base and desperately in need of economic reform—as a good candidate. Kuwaitis haven’t forgiven Palestinians for supporting Saddam Hussein during his 1990 invasion, but their country has been more rhetorically hostile to Israel than its Gulf neighbors:

The Abraham Accords have reshaped Middle Eastern diplomacy. . . . Kuwait, however, remains hesitant due to internal political resistance. While full normalization may not be immediately feasible, the United States should encourage Kuwait to take gradual steps toward engagement, emphasizing how participation in regional cooperation does not equate to abandoning its historical positions.

Kuwait could use its influence to push for peace in the Middle East through diplomatic channels opened by engagement rather than isolation. The economic benefits of joining the broader framework of the Abraham Accords are overwhelming. Israel’s leadership in technology, agriculture, and water management presents valuable opportunities for Kuwait to enhance its infrastructure. Trade and investment flows would diversify the economy, providing new markets and business partnerships.

Kuwaiti youth, who are increasingly looking for opportunities beyond the public sector, could benefit from collaboration with advanced industries, fostering job creation and entrepreneurial growth. The UAE and Bahrain have already demonstrated how normalization with Israel can drive economic expansion while maintaining their respective geopolitical identities.