In 2014—only two hours after a U.S.-backed ceasefire between Hamas and Israel went into effect—Hamas operatives abducted an IDF officer named Hadar Goldin and killed two of his fellow soldiers. Goldin is presumed dead, but the Gaza-based terrorist group refuses to release his remains. On Tuesday, Linda Thomas-Greenfield, the American ambassador to the UN, met with Israel’s President Reuven Rivlin in New York, where they were joined by Leah Goldin, Hadar’s mother. She pleads with President Biden to affirm Jerusalem’s demand that Hamas return her son’s body, along with that of Oron Shaul, who was also killed in the 2014 conflict:

Earlier . . . this year your administration allocated $235 million to the Palestinians, presented as part of an effort to “restore credible engagement.” . . . But I am here, sir, with a painful reminder: no American engagement in Israel and the Palestinian territories would ever be credible until my son comes back home.

This week, [Hamas] continued to restore its capabilities, propping up some of the power stations damaged during its recent assault on Israel. When asked if the organization was indirectly enjoying U.S. aid, a State Department spokesman last week said it was possible.

I hope you instruct your senior officials to implement one simple principle: not another dime to any Palestinian organization until Hadar is brought back for burial in Israel, and not another day of negotiations with anyone—be they in Tehran or Qatar—who has any influence on the fanatics in Gaza but fails to insist on our son’s return. This is not just a sound and elementary negotiations technique—making sure promises are honored—but also a human-rights issue, the humans in question being my son and our family, which deserves the same basic dignity we wish for people everywhere.

Stand up to your promise, and you’ll win the approval of your party as well. As you may recall, a host of prominent Democrats—including Keith Ellison, arguably the most prominent Muslim in American politics and the former deputy chair of the Democratic National Committee—have joined us throughout the years in demanding that Hamas honor its promise to America. They did so because they realized that Hadar was the victim of an American-brokered ceasefire, and because they, like any decent person, were outraged by the intolerable cruelty of denying my son his final resting place.

In addition to the remains of Goldin and Shaul, Hamas has also held hostage two mentally ill Israelis, Avera Mangistu and Hisham al-Sayed. They are thought to still be alive, but little is known of their condition.

With the IDF engaged in ground maneuvers in both northern and southern Gaza, and a plan about to go into effect next week that would separate more than 100,000 civilians from Hamas’s control, an end to the war may at last be in sight. Yet there seems to be no agreement within Israel, or without, about what should become of the territory. Efraim Inbar assesses the various proposals, from Donald Trump’s plan to remove the population entirely, to the Israeli far-right’s desire to settle the Strip with Jews, to the internationally supported proposal to place Gaza under the control of the Palestinian Authority (PA)—and exposes the fatal flaws of each. He therefore tries to reframe the problem:

[M]any Arab states have failed to establish a monopoly on the use of force within their borders. Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Yemen, Libya, and Sudan all suffer from civil wars or armed militias that do not obey the central government.

Perhaps Israel needs to get used to the idea that in the absence of an entity willing to take Gaza under its wing, chaos will prevail there. This is less terrible than people may think. Chaos would allow Israel to establish buffer zones along the Gaza border without interference. Any entity controlling Gaza would oppose such measures and would resist necessary Israeli measures to reduce terrorism. Chaos may also encourage emigration.

Israel is doomed to live with bad neighbors for the foreseeable future. There is no way to ensure zero terrorism. Israel should avoid adopting a policy of containment and should constantly “mow the grass” to minimize the chances of a major threat emerging across the border. Periodic conflicts may be necessary. If the Jews want a state in their homeland, they need to internalize that Israel will have to live by the sword for many more years.