When the Self-Appointed Guardians of Human Rights Came Together to Condemn the Jewish State

In 1975, the UN General Assembly passed its notorious resolution declaring that “Zionism is a form of racism and racial discrimination.” Thanks to the collapse of the Soviet Union and the beginning of Israel-Palestinian negotiations, the resolution was repealed in 1991. But the slogan “Zionism is racism” came roaring back to life—accompanied by the now-commonplace claim that Israel is an “apartheid state”— twenty years later, as Gerald Steinberg relates:

In early September 2001, the great and the good of the world’s human-rights community gathered in Durban, South Africa for a conference called to eliminate racism and discrimination. They met just a few days after an inhuman atrocity in Jerusalem that killed and maimed Israelis in a pizzeria filled with teenagers and young families. But the Durban participants made no mention of Palestinian bombings or of the victims; for the self-proclaimed leaders of international morality, Israelis do not have human rights. Instead, participants from the UN and powerful non-governmental organizations (NGOs) focused on demonizing Israel and Zionism.

Durban was the blueprint for 21st-century anti-Semitism. Caricatures of Jews with fangs dripping blood were distributed by the Arab Lawyers Union, and delegates picked up copies of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion. Hate literature and speeches denouncing Israeli “apartheid” were accompanied by well-organized mass marches through the streets, with placards declaring “Zionism is racism.”

[Today], the Durban framework remains on the UN’s permanent agenda. On September 22, the General Assembly will host Durban 4—a one day low-profile event in which officials and affiliated NGOs will “celebrate” the successes. To their credit, President Biden, the leaders of Canada and Britain, and a number of European officials announced that their governments will not participate. But the echoes of the original anti-racist hate fest continue, with the ongoing anti-Semitism and obsessive Israel-bashing under the façade of human rights.

Read more at Jewish Journal

More about: Anti-Semitism, Anti-Zionism, Human Rights, United Nations

 

To Save Gaza, the U.S. Needs a Strategy to Restrain Iran

Since the outbreak of war on October 7, America has given Israel much support, and also much advice. Seth Cropsey argues that some of that advice hasn’t been especially good:

American demands for “restraint” and a “lighter footprint” provide significant elements of Hamas’s command structure, including Yahya Sinwar, the architect of 10/7, a far greater chance of surviving and preserving the organization’s capabilities. Its threat will persist to some extent in any case, since it has significant assets in Lebanon and is poised to enter into a full-fledged partnership with Hizballah that would give it access to Lebanon’s Palestinian refugee camps for recruitment and to Iranian-supported ratlines into Jordan and Syria.

Turning to the aftermath of the war, Cropsey observes that it will take a different kind of involvement for the U.S. to get the outcomes it desires, namely an alternative to Israeli and to Hamas rule in Gaza that comes with buy-in from its Arab allies:

The only way that Gaza can be governed in a sustainable and stable manner is through the participation of Arab states, and in particular the Gulf Arabs, and the only power that can deliver their participation is the United States. A grand bargain is impossible unless the U.S. exerts enough leverage to induce one.

Militarily speaking, the U.S. has shown no desire seriously to curb Iranian power. It has persistently signaled a desire to avoid escalation. . . . The Gulf Arabs understand this. They have no desire to engage in serious strategic dialogue with Washington and Jerusalem over Iran strategy, since Washington does not have an Iran strategy.

Gaza’s fate is a small part of a much broader strategic struggle. Unless this is recognized, any diplomatic master plan will degenerate into a diplomatic parlor game.

Read more at National Review

More about: Gaza War 2023, Iran, U.S. Foreign policy