This week leaders of over 100 countries are gathering in Glasgow to discuss how to slow the pace of climate change, and no doubt the carbon emissions from fossil fuels and other energy sources are on the agenda. Victoria Coates and Fred Zeidman, placing energy policy in a broader strategic perspective, explain how American and Israeli interests overlap:

As energy shortages convulse Europe and Asia, the U.S. and Israel find themselves in the enviable position of having not only sufficient energy production to support their domestic needs, but also excess to export in support of more stable global energy flows.

This represents a tectonic shift for the two historically energy-vulnerable nations and opens up previously unimaginable potential for them to partner together to their mutual benefit as they emerge from the COVID-19 pandemic. Ensuring the free passage of energy from the Persian Gulf to supply both America and fellow importers such as Israel has for decades been a key pillar of both [U.S.] Middle East and energy policies.

Both the United States and Israel can . . . take advantage of their radically new energy posture. Even with ample supply, both are still vulnerable to price spikes, but the answer to this problem is not increased imports from the Gulf. They don’t need to ask for help to do this when they can do it theirselves by boosting production and, most importantly, by encouraging exploration and development of new resources.

In addition, the U.S. can strongly support the proposed pipeline between Israel and Egypt for export via the facilities near Alexandria. It can revisit the Eastern Mediterranean pipeline that would give Europe a badly needed alternative to Russia’s Nord Stream 2 pipeline. These prudent investments now will ensure the citizens of both countries enjoy the bountiful energy with which they have been blessed, even as they continue to explore further diversification of supply through renewables and alternatives such as hydrogen.

Analyzing the recent direct Iranian attack on Israel, and Israel’s security situation more generally, Michael Oren looks to the 2015 agreement to restrain Iran’s nuclear program. That, and President Biden’s efforts to resurrect the deal after Donald Trump left it, are in his view the source of the current crisis:

Of the original motivations for the deal—blocking Iran’s path to the bomb and transforming Iran into a peaceful nation—neither remained. All Biden was left with was the ability to kick the can down the road and to uphold Barack Obama’s singular foreign-policy achievement.

In order to achieve that result, the administration has repeatedly refused to punish Iran for its malign actions:

Historians will survey this inexplicable record and wonder how the United States not only allowed Iran repeatedly to assault its citizens, soldiers, and allies but consistently rewarded it for doing so. They may well conclude that in a desperate effort to avoid getting dragged into a regional Middle Eastern war, the U.S. might well have precipitated one.

While America’s friends in the Middle East, especially Israel, have every reason to feel grateful for the vital assistance they received in intercepting Iran’s missile and drone onslaught, they might also ask what the U.S. can now do differently to deter Iran from further aggression. . . . Tehran will see this weekend’s direct attack on Israel as a victory—their own—for their ability to continue threatening Israel and destabilizing the Middle East with impunity.

Israel, of course, must respond differently. Our target cannot simply be the Iranian proxies that surround our country and that have waged war on us since October 7, but, as the Saudis call it, “the head of the snake.”