Yesterday, a Palestinian stabbed a passenger on an Israeli bus—leaving him seriously wounded. The attack was but the latest in a wave of terror that has left eleven dead since last week, and threatens to become worse with the beginning of Ramadan this weekend. Yoav Limor explains what the Jewish state can do to curb the violence:

If there is one conclusion that needs to be reached, it is the need for Israel to regain control. . . . Israel cannot evade the need to launch a comprehensive wave of arrests and confiscation of illegal guns in the Arab sector as a way of thwarting attacks and creating deterrence. When it comes to the Palestinians, Israel will need to deploy more forces to prevent terrorist attacks, while trying to maintain a certain degree of normalcy during Ramadan.

An operation of this kind should be coordinated with the Palestinian Authority, which will now find itself embarrassed in light of the fact that the terrorist behind the Bnei Brak attack [on Tuesday] was one of its own. East Jerusalem will be the main challenge, as Jewish, Christian, and Muslim holidays are coinciding this year in a volatile time period that culminates with Independence Day.

It must call up forces, display a military presence, operate everywhere, at all times, to give the enemy—and the Israeli public—the sense that the government is in Jerusalem and not in the hands of anyone who grabs a gun and plots an attack.

On June 3, an Egyptian policeman crossed the border into Israel and killed three soldiers. Jonathan Schanzer and Natalie Ecanow urge President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi to respond by visiting the Jewish state as a show of goodwill:

Such a dramatic gesture is not without precedent: in 1997, a Jordanian soldier opened fire on a group of Israeli schoolgirls visiting the “Isle of Peace,” a parcel of farmland previously under Israeli jurisdiction that Jordan leased back to Israel as part of the Oslo peace process. In a remarkable display of humanity, King Hussein of Jordan, who had only three years earlier signed a peace agreement with Israel, traveled to the Jewish state to mourn with the families of the seven girls who died in the massacre.

That massacre unfolded as a diplomatic cold front descended on Jerusalem and Amman. . . . Yet a week later, Hussein flipped the script. “I feel as if I have lost a child of my own,” Hussein lamented. He told the parents of one of the victims that the tragedy “affects us all as members of one family.”

While security cooperation [between Cairo and Jerusalem] remains strong, the bilateral relationship is still rather frosty outside the military domain. True normalization between the two nations is elusive. A survey in 2021 found that only 8 percent of Egyptians support “business or sports contacts” with Israel. With a visit to Israel, Sisi can move beyond the cold pragmatism that largely defines Egyptian-Israeli relations and recast himself as a world figure ready to embrace his diplomatic partners as human beings. At a personal level, the Egyptian leader can win international acclaim for such a move rather than criticism for his country’s poor human-rights record.