When Michael Oren came from the U.S. to Israel in the 1970s, it was a very different country than it is now. Likewise, American Jewry was quite different, and those American Jews who chose to leave their native country for their ancestral homeland often did so for very different reasons than they do now. Israeli society too has changed its attitudes toward aliyah: there is much less commitment now to the Zionist ideal that Diaspora communities would come wholesale to the Jewish state, and much more concern that new immigrants will compete for jobs and resources. Discussing his own experiences with Daniel Gordis—an American of about the same age who made aliyah decades later—Oren analyzes these changes, and urges Jerusalem once again to embrace the mission of encouraging the ingathering of exiles. (Audio, 34 minutes. A transcript is available at the link below.)
The Changing Face of American Immigration to Israel
Will America Invite Israel to Join Its Multinational Coalitions?
From the Korean War onward, the U.S. has rarely fought wars alone, but has instead led coalitions of various allied states. Israel stands out in that it has close military and diplomatic relations with Washington yet its forces have never been part of these coalitions—even in the 1991 Gulf War, when Iraqi missiles were raining down on its cities. The primary reason for its exclusion was the sensitivity of participating Arab and Muslim nations. But now that Jerusalem has diplomatic relations with several Arab countries and indeed regularly participates alongside them in U.S.-led joint military exercises, David Levy believes it may someday soon be asked to contribute to an American expedition.
It is unlikely that Israel would be expected by the U.S. to deploy the Golani [infantry] brigade or any other major army unit. Instead, Washington will likely solicit areas of IDF niche expertise. These include missile defense and special forces, two areas in which Israel is a world leader. The IDF has capabilities that it can share by providing trainers and observers. Naval and air support would also be expected as these assets are inherently deployable. Israel can also provide allies in foreign wars with intelligence and cyber-warfare support, much of which can be accomplished without the physical deployment of troops.
Jerusalem’s previous reasons for abstention from coalitions were legitimate. Since its independence, Israel has faced existential threats. Conventional Arab armies sought to eliminate the nascent state in 1948-49, 1967, and again in 1973. This danger remained ever-present until the 1978 signing of the Camp David Accords, which established peace between Egypt and Israel. Post-Camp David, the threats to Israel remain serious but are no longer existential. If Iran were to become a nuclear power, this would pose a new existential threat. Until then, Israel is relatively well secured.
Jerusalem’s new Arab allies would welcome its aid. Western capitals, especially Washington, should be expected to pursue Israel’s military assistance, and Jerusalem will have little choice but to acquiesce to the expeditionary expectation.