How the Jewish Calendar Became the Israeli Calendar

Sept. 28 2022

While Israeli Jews vary greatly as to how, and even if, they observe the series of holidays that mark this time year, it is impossible for them to be unaware of them. From pre-Rosh Hashanah traffic patterns to headlines about a possible holiday chicken shortage to questions for celebrities about how they plan to repent in advance of Yom Kippur—these sacred days are part of everyday life. They also take on a national and communal element that has no precise parallel in the Diaspora, contend Donniel Hartman and Yossi Klein Halevi. Elana Stein Hain finds a precedent for this discussion in the book of Nehemiah’s description of the Rosh Hashanah celebrated by Babylonian exiles returned to the Land of Israel. (Audio, 35 minutes.)

Read more at For Heaven’s Sake

More about: Jewish calendar, Jewish holidays, Judaism in Israel, Nehemiah

By Destroying Iran’s Nuclear Facilities, Israel Would Solve Many of America’s Middle East Problems

Yesterday I saw an unconfirmed report that the Biden administration has offered Israel a massive arms deal in exchange for a promise not to strike Iran’s nuclear facilities. Even if the report is incorrect, there is plenty of other evidence that the White House has been trying to dissuade Jerusalem from mounting such an attack. The thinking behind this pressure is hard to fathom, as there is little Israel could do that would better serve American interests in the Middle East than putting some distance between the ayatollahs and nuclear weapons. Aaron MacLean explains why this is so, in the context of a broader discussion of strategic priorities in the Middle East and elsewhere:

If the Iran issue were satisfactorily adjusted in the direction of the American interest, the question of Israel’s security would become more manageable overnight. If a network of American partners enjoyed security against state predation, the proactive suppression of militarily less serious threats like Islamic State would be more easily organized—and indeed, such partners would be less vulnerable to the manipulation of powers external to the region.

[The Biden administration’s] commitment to escalation avoidance has had the odd effect of making the security situation in the region look a great deal as it would if America had actually withdrawn [from the Middle East].

Alternatively, we could project competence by effectively backing our Middle East partners in their competitions against their enemies, who are also our enemies, by ensuring a favorable overall balance of power in the region by means of our partnership network, and by preventing Iran from achieving nuclear status—even if it courts escalation with Iran in the shorter run.

Read more at Reagan Institute

More about: Iran nuclear program, Israeli Security, U.S.-Israel relationship