Rashida Tlaib’s Obscene Effort to Use the Elie Wiesel Genocide Act against Israel

In 2018, Congress passed the Elie Wiesel Genocide and Atrocities Act, which establishes a mechanism for using government resources to monitor and call attention to current acts of genocide. On May 10, the Michigan congresswoman Rashida Tlaib—along with five of her far-left fellow lawmakers—submitted a resolution to the House Committee on Foreign Affairs invoking the act to condemn “Israel’s ongoing Nakba against the Palestinian people.” Elisha Wiesel, after whose late father the law was named, comments:

Rabbi Leo Dee lost his wife and two daughters last month to cold-blooded murderers. He spoke recently about his desire to understand their killers. “I want to meet the parents and siblings of the terrorists and ask them two questions. What did they think they would accomplish with what they did and what is their vision for the future—what do they want for their grandchildren?”

The mother of one of the terrorists gave her answer in a televised interview. “Praise be to Allah for granting him [martyrdom]. We should fight them with our children, with our money, with our families, with our fingernails. We should devour the Jews with our teeth.”

We [Jews] know what it means to be devoured. . . .

The Elie Wiesel Genocide Act is needed now more than ever. No help has come yet for the Rohingya in Myanmar. And it will take incredible community building by Americans of all faiths and parties to advocate effectively for the Chinese Communist Party to turn away from genocide against the 1 million Muslim Uyghurs estimated to be imprisoned in concentration camps in Xinjiang.

My father spoke for those who had no voice. Now my father is gone, and his life’s work is being obscenely, needlessly cheapened, distracting from the real work ahead of us.

Read more at The Hill

More about: Anti-Semitism, Congress, Elie Wiesel, Genocide, Rashida Tlaib

To Save Gaza, the U.S. Needs a Strategy to Restrain Iran

Since the outbreak of war on October 7, America has given Israel much support, and also much advice. Seth Cropsey argues that some of that advice hasn’t been especially good:

American demands for “restraint” and a “lighter footprint” provide significant elements of Hamas’s command structure, including Yahya Sinwar, the architect of 10/7, a far greater chance of surviving and preserving the organization’s capabilities. Its threat will persist to some extent in any case, since it has significant assets in Lebanon and is poised to enter into a full-fledged partnership with Hizballah that would give it access to Lebanon’s Palestinian refugee camps for recruitment and to Iranian-supported ratlines into Jordan and Syria.

Turning to the aftermath of the war, Cropsey observes that it will take a different kind of involvement for the U.S. to get the outcomes it desires, namely an alternative to Israeli and to Hamas rule in Gaza that comes with buy-in from its Arab allies:

The only way that Gaza can be governed in a sustainable and stable manner is through the participation of Arab states, and in particular the Gulf Arabs, and the only power that can deliver their participation is the United States. A grand bargain is impossible unless the U.S. exerts enough leverage to induce one.

Militarily speaking, the U.S. has shown no desire seriously to curb Iranian power. It has persistently signaled a desire to avoid escalation. . . . The Gulf Arabs understand this. They have no desire to engage in serious strategic dialogue with Washington and Jerusalem over Iran strategy, since Washington does not have an Iran strategy.

Gaza’s fate is a small part of a much broader strategic struggle. Unless this is recognized, any diplomatic master plan will degenerate into a diplomatic parlor game.

Read more at National Review

More about: Gaza War 2023, Iran, U.S. Foreign policy