Written in response to controversies surrounding the conservative journalist Joseph Sobran and the then-presidential hopeful Pat Buchanan, William F. Buckley’s In Search of Anti-Semitism rings eerily familiar today: its subjects leveled outlandish and conspiratorial charges against Israel, especially regarding its wartime conduct, and then hollered with outrage when accused of anti-Semitism, insisting they were victims of a nefarious Jewish plot to silence them. Many of the subtle and persuasive arguments deployed by Buckley against his fellow conservatives could be harnessed against the anti-Israel left today.

Meir Soloveichik considers the fact that, although the American right has since 2016 moved in a populist, Buchananite direction, it has only become more supportive of Israel:

Many religious conservatives are still driven by a belief that the story of Israel is a miraculous fulfillment of prophetic promises to the Jewish people. Moreover, what unites conservatives today is a detestation of wokeism and its anti-American creed; and it has become increasingly clear that woke-progressive hatred of Israel goes hand in hand with hatred of America. Many instinctively understand that a defeat of the enemies of the Jewish people is itself a victory for America.

This despite some notable exceptions, most importantly the Internet television host Tucker Carlson:

In the wake of the October 7 massacre, Carlson criticized Ben Shapiro for speaking so frequently about Israel, charging that this focus on another country meant that Shapiro did not truly love America. Not long after that, Carlson hosted and lauded a “historian” who claimed that Churchill, rather than Hitler, was the true villain of World War II, and that the death of countless Jews in the camps was a result of lack of preparation by the Germans.

Yet despite Carlson’s purported influence in the incoming administration, the cabinet that has emerged so far looks to be the most pro-Israel one in American history. . . . Trump’s pro-Israel stand seems to have only helped his electoral prospects. In the end, contra Buchanan, many political figures are pro-Israel not because Congress is “Israel-occupied territory,” [in Buchanan’s words], but rather because many Americans care about Israel’s future, and about the well-being of Jews.

For more than a year, the Iran-backed Houthis have been launching drones and missiles at ships traversing the Red Sea, as well as at Israeli territory, in support of Hamas. This development has drastically curtailed shipping through the Suez Canal and the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, driving up trade prices. This week, the Trump administration began an extensive bombing campaign against the Houthis in an effort to reopen that crucial waterway. Burcu Ozcelik highlights another benefit of this action:

The administration has a broader geopolitical agenda—one that includes countering China’s economic leverage, particularly Beijing’s reliance on Iranian oil. By targeting the Houthis, the United States is not only safeguarding vital shipping lanes but also exerting pressure on the Iran-China energy nexus, a key component of Beijing’s strategic posture in the region.

China was the primary destination for up to 90 percent of Iran’s oil exports in 2024, underscoring the deepening economic ties between Beijing and Tehran despite U.S. sanctions. By helping fill Iranian coffers, China aids Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps in financing proxies like the Houthis. Since October of last year, notable U.S. Treasury announcements have revealed covert links between China and the Houthis.

Striking the Houthis could trigger broader repercussions—not least by disrupting the flow of Iranian oil to China. While difficult to confirm, it is conceivable and has been reported, that the Houthis may have received financial or other forms of compensation from China (such as Chinese-made military components) in exchange for allowing freedom of passage for China-affiliated vessels in the Red Sea.