Those displays of barbarism, it turns out, weren’t choreographed by gun-toting Gazan terrorists, but by Hamas’s de-facto media wing. Toby Dershowitz and Eitan Fischberger explain:

The senior Al Jazeera producer and investigative reporter Tamer Almisshal reportedly conceived and directed the vile “ceremony” for Hamas [that took place on January 25 during the release of four female hostages] from his office in Qatar—planning every detail of the staging, including the backdrop displaying Hamas slogans glorifying the October 7 massacre. Almisshal may have played the same role for subsequent hostage release . . . “ceremonies.”

If true, . . .  Al Jazeera and the government of Qatar, which funds Al Jazeera, have crossed the line from biased reporting to being a participant in the war against Israel, including by providing material support for Hamas, designated as a foreign terrorist organization; . . . this would be a serious violation of U.S. law.

The IDF has also released Hamas documents from 2022 that contain instructions to “contact the journalist Tamir Almisshal through military communications channels” and set “conditions” to refrain from criticizing the Islamic Jihad terror group’s rocket attacks when they misfire and kill Palestinian civilians. The IDF documents say Al Jazeera agreed to these instructions. If true, this may prove to be further evidence of Al Jazeera colluding with a foreign terrorist organization.

While American officials may continue to drag their feet about taking action against Qatari state organs, the civil courts provide an alternative. Dozens of survivors of the October 7 attacks have filed suit against Al Jazeera in a Washington, DC federal court.

On Monday night, the IDF struck a group of Hamas operatives near the Nasser hospital in Khan Yunis, the main city in southern Gaza. The very fact of this attack was reassuring, as it suggested that the release of Edan Alexander didn’t come with restraints on Israeli military activity. Then, yesterday afternoon, Israeli jets carried out another, larger attack on Khan Yunis, hitting a site where it believed Mohammad Sinwar, the head of Hamas in Gaza, to be hiding. The IDF has not yet confirmed that he was present. There is some hope that the death of Sinwar—who replaced his older brother Yahya after he was killed last year—could have a debilitating effect on Hamas.

Meanwhile, Donald Trump is visiting the Persian Gulf, and it’s unclear how his diplomatic efforts there will affect Israel, its war with Hamas, and Iran. For its part, Jerusalem has committed to resume full-scale operations in Gaza after President Trump returns to the U.S. But, Gabi Simoni and Erez Winner explain, Israel does not have unlimited time to defeat Hamas:

Israel faces persistent security challenges across multiple fronts—Iran, the West Bank, Yemen, Syria, and Lebanon—all demanding significant military resources, especially during periods of escalation. . . . Failing to achieve a decisive victory not only prolongs the conflict but also drains national resources and threatens Israel’s ability to obtain its strategic goals.

Only a swift, forceful military campaign can achieve the war’s objectives: securing the hostages’ release, ensuring Israeli citizens’ safety, and preventing future kidnappings. Avoiding such action won’t just prolong the suffering of the hostages and deepen public uncertainty—it will also drain national resources and weaken Israel’s standing in the region and beyond.

We recommend launching an intense military operation in Gaza without delay, with clear, measurable objectives—crippling Hamas’s military and governance capabilities and securing the release of hostages. Such a campaign should combine military pressure with indirect negotiations, maximizing the chances of a successful outcome while minimizing risks.

Crucially, the operation must be closely coordinated with the United States and moderate Arab states to reduce international pressure and preserve the gains of regional alliances.