Since the early days of the current war, the posters bearing the names and faces of individual hostages taken by Hamas have become a common sight for Jews in the Diaspora—as have the remains of those posters that have been torn down or defaced. But another trend has also emerged in Israel, less widespread abroad: stickers with names and faces of those killed on October 7, and of those soldiers who have given their lives in the war that followed.

Leon Morris noticed the presence of these stickers, evidently affixed by Israeli visitors, in an unusual place: at the site of a Nazi massacre of Jews in northeastern Poland. Their presence got him thinking about the connection—one invoked so often—between the Holocaust and the Hamas attacks, and between Yom HaShoah last week and Israel’s memorial day today:

Although Jews are still dying, we have moved from slaughter to sacrifice, from degradation to dignity. Jewish blood is no longer cheap. These soldiers died to protect a Jewish state which enables Jewish life to grow and flourish like never before.

In sharp contrast, there is, of course, another way of understanding the placement of the soldier stickers at these mass graves in Poland. Despite the establishment of a state and an army, despite Jewish sovereignty and a return to the land, the long history of Jews dying for the sanctification of God continues.

These differing meditations on the meaning of Jewish death, 80 years ago and today, still lead us to a singular imperative to embrace the Jewish future with hope and faith. Confronted with so much death, then and now, we must respond affirmatively to God’s rhetorical question of the Prophet Ezekiel (37:3), “Can these bones live?”

Ezekiel admits to his own limits of knowing what is possible. God responds: “I will lay sinews upon you, and cover you with flesh, and form skin over you. And I will put breath into you, and you shall live again.”

On Monday night, the IDF struck a group of Hamas operatives near the Nasser hospital in Khan Yunis, the main city in southern Gaza. The very fact of this attack was reassuring, as it suggested that the release of Edan Alexander didn’t come with restraints on Israeli military activity. Then, yesterday afternoon, Israeli jets carried out another, larger attack on Khan Yunis, hitting a site where it believed Mohammad Sinwar, the head of Hamas in Gaza, to be hiding. The IDF has not yet confirmed that he was present. There is some hope that the death of Sinwar—who replaced his older brother Yahya after he was killed last year—could have a debilitating effect on Hamas.

Meanwhile, Donald Trump is visiting the Persian Gulf, and it’s unclear how his diplomatic efforts there will affect Israel, its war with Hamas, and Iran. For its part, Jerusalem has committed to resume full-scale operations in Gaza after President Trump returns to the U.S. But, Gabi Simoni and Erez Winner explain, Israel does not have unlimited time to defeat Hamas:

Israel faces persistent security challenges across multiple fronts—Iran, the West Bank, Yemen, Syria, and Lebanon—all demanding significant military resources, especially during periods of escalation. . . . Failing to achieve a decisive victory not only prolongs the conflict but also drains national resources and threatens Israel’s ability to obtain its strategic goals.

Only a swift, forceful military campaign can achieve the war’s objectives: securing the hostages’ release, ensuring Israeli citizens’ safety, and preventing future kidnappings. Avoiding such action won’t just prolong the suffering of the hostages and deepen public uncertainty—it will also drain national resources and weaken Israel’s standing in the region and beyond.

We recommend launching an intense military operation in Gaza without delay, with clear, measurable objectives—crippling Hamas’s military and governance capabilities and securing the release of hostages. Such a campaign should combine military pressure with indirect negotiations, maximizing the chances of a successful outcome while minimizing risks.

Crucially, the operation must be closely coordinated with the United States and moderate Arab states to reduce international pressure and preserve the gains of regional alliances.