According to local tradition, Jews first came to the Caucasian land of Georgia following the Babylonian exile in the 6th century BCE. Whatever their actual origins, by the early Middle Ages this mountainous territory with little history of anti-Semitism had a significant Jewish community that would develop its own dialect of one of the local languages. They were joined by Ashkenazi immigrants in the 19th century, as Georgia came under Russian rule.

Sofia Poznansky tells the story of what remains of the Jewish community in Akhaltsikhe, a small city in southwestern Georgia:

At its peak, the Akhaltsikhe Jewish community grew to include two synagogues and nearly 3,000 members. However, when repatriation to Israel in the 1970s and 1990s offered many an escape from Soviet repression, their departure left a void—though one that is not felt as strongly by the town’s younger generation.

The synagogue’s date of construction is a matter of some debate. A cornerstone on the exterior facade is inscribed with the year 1863. However, some locals, including the historian Tsira Meskhishvili, believe that the synagogue’s origins may date back further, going as far as to assert that it is one of the oldest synagogues in Europe.

Several Torahs [in the synagogue] are stamped with ownership imprints tracing back to the USSR, and a 16th-century Torah from Iraq is hidden behind the Holy Ark.

On Monday night, the IDF struck a group of Hamas operatives near the Nasser hospital in Khan Yunis, the main city in southern Gaza. The very fact of this attack was reassuring, as it suggested that the release of Edan Alexander didn’t come with restraints on Israeli military activity. Then, yesterday afternoon, Israeli jets carried out another, larger attack on Khan Yunis, hitting a site where it believed Mohammad Sinwar, the head of Hamas in Gaza, to be hiding. The IDF has not yet confirmed that he was present. There is some hope that the death of Sinwar—who replaced his older brother Yahya after he was killed last year—could have a debilitating effect on Hamas.

Meanwhile, Donald Trump is visiting the Persian Gulf, and it’s unclear how his diplomatic efforts there will affect Israel, its war with Hamas, and Iran. For its part, Jerusalem has committed to resume full-scale operations in Gaza after President Trump returns to the U.S. But, Gabi Simoni and Erez Winner explain, Israel does not have unlimited time to defeat Hamas:

Israel faces persistent security challenges across multiple fronts—Iran, the West Bank, Yemen, Syria, and Lebanon—all demanding significant military resources, especially during periods of escalation. . . . Failing to achieve a decisive victory not only prolongs the conflict but also drains national resources and threatens Israel’s ability to obtain its strategic goals.

Only a swift, forceful military campaign can achieve the war’s objectives: securing the hostages’ release, ensuring Israeli citizens’ safety, and preventing future kidnappings. Avoiding such action won’t just prolong the suffering of the hostages and deepen public uncertainty—it will also drain national resources and weaken Israel’s standing in the region and beyond.

We recommend launching an intense military operation in Gaza without delay, with clear, measurable objectives—crippling Hamas’s military and governance capabilities and securing the release of hostages. Such a campaign should combine military pressure with indirect negotiations, maximizing the chances of a successful outcome while minimizing risks.

Crucially, the operation must be closely coordinated with the United States and moderate Arab states to reduce international pressure and preserve the gains of regional alliances.