Surveying recent physical and political assaults on Jews from across Europe and America, Bari Weiss notes a perhaps even more disturbing tendency to ignore or downplay them: from the media’s indifference to violence against the ultra-Orthodox, to a French court dropping charges against an anti-Semitic murderer, to the invective directed at Jews with the temerity to criticize Jeremy Corbyn’s hostility toward them. And often the desire to turn a blind eye to anti-Semitism comes from those who consider themselves greatly sensitive to every other kind of bigotry:

If hatred of Jews can be justified as a misunderstanding or ignored as a mistake or played down as a slip of the tongue or waved away as “just anti-Zionism,” you can all but guarantee it will be.

Jordyn Wright is a Jewish sophomore who sits on the board of the Students’ Society of McGill University. Over winter break, she is planning, like hundreds of other North American Jewish college students, to go to Israel [in a trip organized by her campus’s] Hillel society. As a result of that trip, the student government voted to call for her resignation. . . . Never mind that another student-government leader is also going; apparently because that student is not a Jew, no resignation was required.

Jew-hatred is surging and yet . . . does not command attention or inspire popular outrage. Unless Jews are murdered by neo-Nazis, the one group everyone of conscience recognizes as evil, Jews’ inconvenient murders, their beatings, discrimination against them, the singling out of their state for demonization will be explained away.

When you look at each of these incidents, perhaps it is possible still to pretend that they are random bursts of bigotry perpetrated by hooligans lacking any real organization or power behind them. But Jeremy Corbyn’s electoral prospects in Britain tell a different, far more distressing story—that a person with some of the same impulses as those hooligans can stand within spitting distance of the office of prime minister.

Analyzing the recent direct Iranian attack on Israel, and Israel’s security situation more generally, Michael Oren looks to the 2015 agreement to restrain Iran’s nuclear program. That, and President Biden’s efforts to resurrect the deal after Donald Trump left it, are in his view the source of the current crisis:

Of the original motivations for the deal—blocking Iran’s path to the bomb and transforming Iran into a peaceful nation—neither remained. All Biden was left with was the ability to kick the can down the road and to uphold Barack Obama’s singular foreign-policy achievement.

In order to achieve that result, the administration has repeatedly refused to punish Iran for its malign actions:

Historians will survey this inexplicable record and wonder how the United States not only allowed Iran repeatedly to assault its citizens, soldiers, and allies but consistently rewarded it for doing so. They may well conclude that in a desperate effort to avoid getting dragged into a regional Middle Eastern war, the U.S. might well have precipitated one.

While America’s friends in the Middle East, especially Israel, have every reason to feel grateful for the vital assistance they received in intercepting Iran’s missile and drone onslaught, they might also ask what the U.S. can now do differently to deter Iran from further aggression. . . . Tehran will see this weekend’s direct attack on Israel as a victory—their own—for their ability to continue threatening Israel and destabilizing the Middle East with impunity.

Israel, of course, must respond differently. Our target cannot simply be the Iranian proxies that surround our country and that have waged war on us since October 7, but, as the Saudis call it, “the head of the snake.”