Currently, the Yemeni city of Aden is controlled by the Transitional Council: one of the military groups fighting the Iran-backed Houthi rebels. The Council is now in the process of destroying a Jewish cemetery for a major residential construction project. Edy Cohen comments:

The construction project will bring about the final erasure of the last remnants of the Jewish community in Aden, whose roots are considerably older than Islam itself.

In the 20th century, the [Jewish] community, which numbered over 7,000 in the mid-1940s, lived under British control, but the [1947] UN Partition Resolution resulted in widespread riots. On December 2, 1947, 82 Jews were murdered and dozens wounded, and most of the Jewish businesses in Aden were looted. Synagogues were burned and hundreds of Jewish homes were looted and torched. The murdered Jews were most likely buried in the Jewish cemetery in the city center that is now being destroyed.

By 1965, the community had dwindled to about 450 souls, but two years later, after the Six-Day War and on the eve of the British evacuation a few months later, not a single Jew remained. Those who left had no choice but to leave their property behind.

Who will stop this act of profound disrespect to the dead? . . . Recently, members of the World Islamic Union visited Auschwitz in an effort to [improve relations between] Jews and Muslims. Muslim condemnation of the Aden destruction, which is contrary to the provisions of Islam, would strengthen that goal. In addition, the Transitional Council in Yemen has good relations with the United Arab Emirates, which is known for its efforts to promote religious tolerance. It is time for someone to act so the Jews of Aden can continue to rest in peace.

Considering the current state of Israel-Arab relations, Ghaith al-Omari writes

First and foremost, no ceasefire will be possible without the release of Israeli hostages and commitments to disarm Hamas and remove it from power. The final say on these matters rests with Hamas commanders on the ground in Gaza, who have been largely impervious to foreign pressure so far. At minimum, however, the United States should insist that Qatari and Egyptian mediators push Hamas’s external leadership to accept these conditions publicly, which could increase pressure on the group’s Gaza leadership.

Washington should also demand a clear, public position from key Arab states regarding disarmament. The Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas endorsed this position in a June letter to Saudi Arabia and France, giving Arab states Palestinian cover for endorsing it themselves.

Some Arab states have already indicated a willingness to play a significant role, but they will have little incentive to commit resources and personnel to Gaza unless Israel (1) provides guarantees that it will not occupy the Strip indefinitely, and (2) removes its veto on a PA role in Gaza’s future, even if only symbolic at first. Arab officials are also seeking assurances that any role they play in Gaza will be in the context of a wider effort to reach a two-state solution.

On the other hand, Washington must remain mindful that current conditions between Israel and the Palestinians are not remotely conducive to . . . implementing a two-state solution.