While the subject of anti-Semitism at American universities has attracted significant attention, relatively little has been paid to the financial role played by countries where anti-Semitism is pervasive. Researchers at the Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy (ISGAP) have tied the problems faced by Jewish students to the phenomenon of undisclosed donations from foreign governments, often hostile ones:

Between 1986 and 2018, Middle Eastern Muslim countries donated a total of $6.5 billion to U.S. universities, but only $3.6 billion was reported to the federal government. Out of nearly $5 billion donated by Qatar to various institutions, less than $2 billion was properly reported.

ISGAP’s research has found a correlation between the funding of universities by Qatar and the Gulf States and the presence of groups such as Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP), which foster an anti-Semitic and aggressive atmosphere on campus. SJP, which is one of the main organizers of the annual Israel Apartheid Week on college campuses across the country, [is] an organization whose members “regularly demonize Jewish students who identify as Zionists or proud supporters of the state of Israel” and insist that “one cannot be a good Jew while still being a Zionist.”

With the bulk of all Middle Eastern donations emanating from Qatari donors, and the [state-funded] Qatar Foundation accounting for virtually all of the donations from Qatar, these funds have a significant impact on attitudes, anti-Semitic culture, and boycott, divestment, and sanction (BDS) activities. While a direct causal link has yet to be established, the correlation is too significant to ignore. . . . Research indicates that other countries, including Iran, also engage in such funding activities.

Qatar, the report goes on to note, is the major funder and supporter of Hamas, and of the Muslim Brotherhood across the globe; it also has given a prominent position to the highly influential preacher Yusuf al-Qaradawi, who “calls on all ‘true believers’ to finish the work of Hitler, i.e. to carry out genocide against the Jewish people.”

On Tuesday, a Hizballah drone attack injured three people in northern Israel. The next day, another attack, targeting an IDF base, injured eighteen people, six of them seriously, in Arab al-Amshe, also in the north. This second attack involved the simultaneous use of drones carrying explosives and guided antitank missiles. In both cases, the defensive systems that performed so successfully last weekend failed to stop the drones and missiles. Ron Ben-Yishai has a straightforward explanation as to why: the Lebanon-backed terrorist group is getting better at evading Israel defenses. He explains the three basis systems used to pilot these unmanned aircraft, and their practical effects:

These systems allow drones to act similarly to fighter jets, using “dead zones”—areas not visible to radar or other optical detection—to approach targets. They fly low initially, then ascend just before crashing and detonating on the target. The terrain of southern Lebanon is particularly conducive to such attacks.

But this requires skills that the terror group has honed over months of fighting against Israel. The latest attacks involved a large drone capable of carrying over 50 kg (110 lbs.) of explosives. The terrorists have likely analyzed Israel’s alert and interception systems, recognizing that shooting down their drones requires early detection to allow sufficient time for launching interceptors.

The IDF tries to detect any incoming drones on its radar, as it had done prior to the war. Despite Hizballah’s learning curve, the IDF’s technological edge offers an advantage. However, the military must recognize that any measure it takes is quickly observed and analyzed, and even the most effective defenses can be incomplete. The terrain near the Lebanon-Israel border continues to pose a challenge, necessitating technological solutions and significant financial investment.