While there is little doubt that New York state’s governor Andrew Cuomo and New York City’s mayor Bill de Blasio have singled out Orthodox enclaves in their enforcement of social-distancing regulations, the fact remains that some of these communities have at times taken insufficient measures to prevent the spread of the pandemic. A similar situation exists in Israel, where prominent ḥaredi rabbis have persisted in keeping schools and synagogues open against government advice. To Shmuel Rosner, the problem lies in the very virtues that have led Ḥaredim to flourish:

Ḥaredi Jews have large families and live in densely populated areas. This enhances their model of togetherness and separateness. It also makes them more vulnerable to the coronavirus. By and large, like many closed communities, ḥaredi Jews are suspicious of outside institutions. (Some of this is born of a long history of persecution.) When outsiders demanded they shut down schools or cancel weddings or stop attending their synagogues, many of the leaders were thinking that such a decree could come only from people who do not understand the importance of these practices. They refused to comply.

[It] is time for ḥaredi leaders to realize that their model of isolation from the larger public is becoming archaic. Not because it failed, but because it succeeded.

The ḥaredi model in Israel and the West over the past century was meant to keep a threatened enclave from being wiped out by a cultural tsunami. It was . . . designed for a weak group attempting to prevent decline. But as a model for a strong and thriving community it is flawed and dangerous.

Responding to critics of his argument, and in particular to one who compared the situation of Jews in American with that of the Israelites in pharaonic Egypt, Rosner writes:

It is time for the ḥaredi world to acknowledge its success and stop pretending that it is under threat of an imaginary pharaoh, be it the mayor of New York City of the coronavirus czar in Israel. You are no longer oppressed. And that is a good thing.

In his inauguration speech, Donald Trump put forth ambitious goals for his first days in office. An additional item that should be on the agenda of his administration, and also that of the 119th Congress, should be defunding, and ideally dismantling, UNRWA. The UN Relief and Works Organization for Palestine Refugees—to give its full name—is deeply enmeshed with Hamas in Gaza, has inculcated generations of young Palestinians with anti-Semitism, and exists primarily to perpetuate the Israel-Palestinian conflict. Robert Satloff explains what must be done.

[T]here is an inherent contradiction in support for UNRWA (given its anti-resettlement posture) and support for a two-state solution (or any negotiated resolution) to the Israel-Palestinian conflict. Providing relief to millions of Palestinians based on the argument that their legitimate, rightful home lies inside Israel is deeply counterproductive to the search for peace.

Last October, the Israeli parliament voted overwhelmingly to pass two laws that will come into effect January 30: a ban on UNRWA operations in Israeli sovereign territory and the severing of all Israeli ties with the agency. This includes cancellation of a post-1967 agreement that allowed UNRWA to operate freely in what was then newly occupied territory.

A more ambitious U.S. approach could score a win-win achievement that advances American interests in Middle East peace while saving millions of taxpayer dollars. Namely, Washington could take advantage of Israel’s new laws to create an alternative support mechanism that eases UNRWA out of Gaza. This would entail raising the stakes with other specialized UN agencies operating in the area. Instead of politely asking them if they can assume UNRWA’s job in Gaza, the Trump administration should put them on notice that continued U.S. funding of their own global operations is contingent on their taking over those tasks. Only such a dramatic step is likely to produce results.