Fashionable Left-Wing Policies Are Endangering Jews

Between April 23 and April 25, Jordan Burnette vandalized synagogues in the Bronx seven separate times. While he was eventually found and arrested, he was promptly released from custody thanks to a 2019 New York City bail-reform law, which has made it extremely difficult for judges to keep suspects in jail prior to their trials. Jonathan Tobin provides some context:

Rather than leading to more justice, the only immediate result [of bail reform] was more crime. . . . The timing was also particularly troubling because it coincided with a wave of anti-Semitic crimes in which Orthodox Jews were largely targeted by African American assailants in the greater New York area. Indeed, one such perpetrator, a woman named Tiffany Harris, who had been jailed repeatedly for committing assaults against Orthodox Jewish women, was freed again and again.

In the days after Burnette’s release, the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), which continues to pose as the defender of the Jewish community against anti-Semitism, said nothing about the case. Since his release, both the group and its CEO, Jonathan Greenblatt, found time to . . . advocate for Facebook to continue its ban on posts from former President Donald Trump and to claim that American police were engaging in “systemic racism” against African Americans. Although they raise massive funds from liberal donors by seeking to depict Jews as under siege from hate crimes, they were mum about the way those who committed such crimes have benefited from bail reform.

We know that had he been a right-wing extremist, the attacks on synagogues in Riverdale would have been considered a threat to all Jews. . . . But since Burnette didn’t fit into that scenario, the ADL has remained silent about a Jewish community being terrorized.

Read more at JNS

More about: ADL, Anti-Semitism, Crime, New York City, Progressivism

In the Next Phase of the War, Israel’s Biggest Obstacles May Be Political Rather Than Military

To defeat Hamas, Israel will have to attack the city of Rafah, which lies on the border between Egypt and Gaza, and which now contains the bulk of the terrorist group’s fighting forces as well as, most likely, the Israeli hostages. Edward Luttwak examines how this stage of the war will be different from those that preceded it:

To start with, Rafah has very few of the high-rise apartment houses, condo towers, and mansions of Gaza City and Khan Yunis. This makes street-fighting much simpler because there are no multilevel basements from which many fighters can erupt at once, nor looming heights with firing positions for snipers. Above all, if a building must be entered and cleared room-by-room, perhaps because a high-value target is thought to be hiding there, it does not take hundreds of soldiers to search the place quickly.

Luttwak also argues that the IDF will be able to evacuate a portion of the civilian population without allowing large numbers of Hamas guerrillas to escape. In his view, the biggest challenge facing Israel, therefore, is a political one:

Israel will have to contend with one final hurdle: the fact that its forces cannot proceed without close coordination with Egypt’s rulers. President Sisi’s government detests Hamas—the Gaza offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood they overthrew—and shed no tears at the prospect of its further destruction in Rafah. However, they also greatly fear the arrival of a flood of Palestinians fleeing from the Israeli offensive.

As for the Israeli war cabinet, it is equally determined to win this war in Rafah and to preserve strategic cooperation with Egypt, which has served both sides very well. That takes some doing, and accounts for the IDF’s failure to move quickly into Rafah. But victory is Israel’s aim—and it’s not going to give up on that.

Read more at UnHerd

More about: Egypt, Gaza War 2023, Israeli Security