In a 2022 essay, the Beijing-based journalist and public intellectual Zheng Ruolin—who made his bones working for Chinese state-run media in Paris in the 1990s—outlined an anti-Semitic theory of the global political order. Using such evasions as “many people even directly associate Jewishness with transnational financial capital,” rather than articulate his anti-Jewish ideas straightforwardly, Zheng draws on anti-democratic, anti-American, anti-globalization, and Marxist themes to portray a world where evil forces maliciously paint Russia and China as enemies of the West to distract from the latter’s supposed decay. Tuvia Gering writes:

The article was published on June 10, 2022 by the popular nationalist platform Guancha, which is funded by the billionaire Eric Li and occasionally publishes egregiously anti-Semitic or simply racist articles by firebrand Chinese pundits in order to generate clicks. . . . According to Zheng Ruolin, Xi Jinping’s China has accepted the challenge of leading mankind toward a “community of shared future.” This has made it the number-one adversary of transnational financial capital, which is driven by Jews on their mission to establish a world government over which they will rule.

Gering provides a complete translation of the article, which contains such passages as the following:

When it comes to dealing with China, however, Western transnational financial capital has a strategy of collaborating with industrial capital. In a speech at the 2019 Davos Economic Forum, the American Jewish financial tycoon George Soros went so far as to call the competition between China and the West “a battle for the future of the world.”

China’s community of shared future for mankind represents yet another direct challenge to the “world government.” Will capital establish a “world government” it dominates, or will China be able to lead mankind toward a community of shared future? This is a challenge with such historic ramifications that China has emerged as transnational finance capital’s number-one adversary.

On Monday night, the IDF struck a group of Hamas operatives near the Nasser hospital in Khan Yunis, the main city in southern Gaza. The very fact of this attack was reassuring, as it suggested that the release of Edan Alexander didn’t come with restraints on Israeli military activity. Then, yesterday afternoon, Israeli jets carried out another, larger attack on Khan Yunis, hitting a site where it believed Mohammad Sinwar, the head of Hamas in Gaza, to be hiding. The IDF has not yet confirmed that he was present. There is some hope that the death of Sinwar—who replaced his older brother Yahya after he was killed last year—could have a debilitating effect on Hamas.

Meanwhile, Donald Trump is visiting the Persian Gulf, and it’s unclear how his diplomatic efforts there will affect Israel, its war with Hamas, and Iran. For its part, Jerusalem has committed to resume full-scale operations in Gaza after President Trump returns to the U.S. But, Gabi Simoni and Erez Winner explain, Israel does not have unlimited time to defeat Hamas:

Israel faces persistent security challenges across multiple fronts—Iran, the West Bank, Yemen, Syria, and Lebanon—all demanding significant military resources, especially during periods of escalation. . . . Failing to achieve a decisive victory not only prolongs the conflict but also drains national resources and threatens Israel’s ability to obtain its strategic goals.

Only a swift, forceful military campaign can achieve the war’s objectives: securing the hostages’ release, ensuring Israeli citizens’ safety, and preventing future kidnappings. Avoiding such action won’t just prolong the suffering of the hostages and deepen public uncertainty—it will also drain national resources and weaken Israel’s standing in the region and beyond.

We recommend launching an intense military operation in Gaza without delay, with clear, measurable objectives—crippling Hamas’s military and governance capabilities and securing the release of hostages. Such a campaign should combine military pressure with indirect negotiations, maximizing the chances of a successful outcome while minimizing risks.

Crucially, the operation must be closely coordinated with the United States and moderate Arab states to reduce international pressure and preserve the gains of regional alliances.