As anticipated, the British national election on Thursday ended with a landslide victory for Labor, which regained some of the Jewish voters it had lost when it was led by the Israel-hating radical Jeremy Corbyn. Jake Wallis Simons is somewhat skeptical about the efforts of Corbyn’s successor, now-Prime Minister Keir Starmer, to purge Labor of anti-Semites:

Just five years ago, it was a party of cranks, extremists, bigots, and anti-Semites. Just five years ago, Sir Keir appeared to do his utmost to put their chieftain, [Corbyn], in No. 10 Downing Street. Could the country trust him and his party now?

The answer, for many, seems to be “yes,” and Simons, despite his skepticism, argues that there is good reason for that:

Partly, [the Jewish return to Labor] was due to the determined efforts of Sir Keir himself in “rooting out” anti-Semitism from the party. Partly it was due to the way in which he steered Labor carefully but insistently back towards the center; when parties veer to the radical fringes, it is never good for the Jews. But it was also due to the Labor rank-and-file, who matched Sir Keir’s efforts with more quotidian goodwill gestures of their own.

It would be a mistake to suggest that all the difficult questions about Sir Keir’s support for Corbyn have been adequately addressed. In politics, some things will never be fully understood. It is certain, however, that the majority of British Jews, particularly those inclined to the left, believe in Labor again. They have Sir Keir to thank for that.

Below, today’s newsletter will return to some other reflections on the one-year anniversary of the outbreak of the current war, but first something must be said of its recent progress. Israel has kept up its aerial and ground assault on Hizballah, and may have already killed the successor to Hassan Nasrallah, the longtime leader it eliminated less than two weeks ago. Matthew Levitt assesses the current state of the Lebanon-based terrorist group, which, in his view, is now “a shadow of its former self.” Indeed, he adds,

it is no exaggeration to say that the Hizballah of two weeks ago no longer exists. And since Hizballah was the backbone of Iran’s network of militant proxies, its so-called axis of resistance, Iran’s strategy of arming and deploying proxy groups throughout the region is suddenly at risk as well.

Hizballah’s attacks put increasing pressure on Israel, as intended, only that pressure did not lead Israelis to stop targeting Hamas so much as it chipped away at Israel’s fears about the cost of military action to address the military threats posed by Hizballah.

At the same time, Levitt explains, Hizballah still poses a serious threat, as it demonstrated last night when its missiles struck Haifa and Tiberias, injuring at least two people:

Hizballah still maintains an arsenal of rockets and a cadre of several thousand fighters. It will continue to pose potent military threats for Israel, Lebanon, and the wider region.

How will the group seek to avenge Nasrallah’s death amid these military setbacks? Hizballah is likely to resort to acts of international terrorism, which are overseen by one of the few elements of the group that has not yet lost key leaders.

But the true measure of whether the group will be able to reconstitute itself, even over many years, is whether Iran can restock Hizballah’s sophisticated arsenal. Tehran’s network of proxy groups—from Hizballah to Hamas to the Houthis—is only as dangerous as it is today because of Iran’s provision of weapons and money. Whatever Hizballah does next, Western governments must prioritize cutting off Tehran’s ability to arm and fund its proxies.