The past week has seen a lot of right-wing anti-Semitism, including from the YouTuber and social-media personality Candace Owens, who has for quite some time been sinking ever deeper, and somewhat predictably, into anti-Semitism. Andrew Doran and Mary Eberstadt raise a particularly concerning aspect of her obsession with the Jews:

Candace Owens . . . is not alone among Jew-bashers with large online followings trying to claim the label of “Catholic right” these days (he notorious anti-Semite Nick Fuentes and some lesser-knowns do the same). But Owens stands out because her recent conversion in April through London’s fabled Brompton Oratory has coincided with her increasingly impassioned attacks on Jews qua Jews, creating the impression that the two are linked.

Doran and Eberstadt attack Catholic anti-Semites on theological grounds and point to a tradition going back to the 11th century of popes condemning, and working to prevent, violence against Jews. They conclude:

Catholics should turn to the example of Jacques Maritain, perhaps the most prophetic and influential Catholic voice in the 20th century. As Richard Crane, a scholar of Maritain and Catholic-Jewish history, recently noted, this pivotal thinker underwent profound change, ultimately rejecting Jew-hatred. . . . He reminds all concerned with the Church’s patrimony to reflect humbly on Christianity’s Hebraic roots.

Yesterday I saw an unconfirmed report that the Biden administration has offered Israel a massive arms deal in exchange for a promise not to strike Iran’s nuclear facilities. Even if the report is incorrect, there is plenty of other evidence that the White House has been trying to dissuade Jerusalem from mounting such an attack. The thinking behind this pressure is hard to fathom, as there is little Israel could do that would better serve American interests in the Middle East than putting some distance between the ayatollahs and nuclear weapons. Aaron MacLean explains why this is so, in the context of a broader discussion of strategic priorities in the Middle East and elsewhere:

If the Iran issue were satisfactorily adjusted in the direction of the American interest, the question of Israel’s security would become more manageable overnight. If a network of American partners enjoyed security against state predation, the proactive suppression of militarily less serious threats like Islamic State would be more easily organized—and indeed, such partners would be less vulnerable to the manipulation of powers external to the region.

[The Biden administration’s] commitment to escalation avoidance has had the odd effect of making the security situation in the region look a great deal as it would if America had actually withdrawn [from the Middle East].

Alternatively, we could project competence by effectively backing our Middle East partners in their competitions against their enemies, who are also our enemies, by ensuring a favorable overall balance of power in the region by means of our partnership network, and by preventing Iran from achieving nuclear status—even if it courts escalation with Iran in the shorter run.