It is thanks to Iran that Yemen’s Houthi rebels possess, and have the ability to deploy, powerful missiles like the one that exploded over central Israel yesterday morning. Iran is also supplying rockets and drones to Russia, which is using them in Ukraine. These aren’t mere arms deals; Moscow has over the past several years become ever more closely aligned with both Tehran and its network of Arab proxies. Ruslan Suleymanov describes how the Kremlin came to be a patron of the Houthis:

In the past two-and-a-half years, Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Mikhail Bogdanov has met with Houthi representatives at least four times: more than with any other participant in the conflict in Yemen. Now quantity is gradually translating into quality.

Advisers from Russia’s foreign military-intelligence agency, the GRU, are now working in Sanaa under the guise of humanitarian aid workers. . . . Iranian military instructors and other specialists have been operating in Yemen for many years under a similar scheme.

In addition, in the summer of 2024, several U.S. media outlets reported that the Kremlin had been preparing to supply the Houthis with weapons, but was forced to abandon the idea under pressure from the United States and Saudi Arabia. However, UN experts have repeatedly reported attempts to smuggle 9M133 Kornet anti-tank guided missiles, AKS-20U assault rifles, and other weapons to Yemen: i.e., weapons with the same technical specifications and markings as those produced in Russia. Iran also appears to have been involved in this scheme.

Moscow’s position on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is indicative [of its closeness with Iran]. The Russian authorities have never publicly condemned the aggression of Hamas militants against Israel on October 7 last year, despite the presence of Russian nationals among the hostages taken by Hamas.

Lebanon’s Hizballah even supplies Russia with men to fight in Ukraine in exchange for Russian weapons.

For more than a year, the Iran-backed Houthis have been launching drones and missiles at ships traversing the Red Sea, as well as at Israeli territory, in support of Hamas. This development has drastically curtailed shipping through the Suez Canal and the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, driving up trade prices. This week, the Trump administration began an extensive bombing campaign against the Houthis in an effort to reopen that crucial waterway. Burcu Ozcelik highlights another benefit of this action:

The administration has a broader geopolitical agenda—one that includes countering China’s economic leverage, particularly Beijing’s reliance on Iranian oil. By targeting the Houthis, the United States is not only safeguarding vital shipping lanes but also exerting pressure on the Iran-China energy nexus, a key component of Beijing’s strategic posture in the region.

China was the primary destination for up to 90 percent of Iran’s oil exports in 2024, underscoring the deepening economic ties between Beijing and Tehran despite U.S. sanctions. By helping fill Iranian coffers, China aids Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps in financing proxies like the Houthis. Since October of last year, notable U.S. Treasury announcements have revealed covert links between China and the Houthis.

Striking the Houthis could trigger broader repercussions—not least by disrupting the flow of Iranian oil to China. While difficult to confirm, it is conceivable and has been reported, that the Houthis may have received financial or other forms of compensation from China (such as Chinese-made military components) in exchange for allowing freedom of passage for China-affiliated vessels in the Red Sea.