One of the evils of UNRWA is that—alongside a host of other international organizations inside and outside the United Nations—it serves to prop up Hamas’s rule in Gaza by relieving the terrorist group of most responsibilities of civilian government. As Shany Mor recently wrote in Mosaic, a similar peculiar arrangement exists in both Hizballah-dominated Lebanon and the areas under the control of the Palestinian Authority. Fatima Abo Alasrar explains how the Houthis are trying to establish a similar situation in Yemen, in part by intimidating UN workers and stealing humanitarian aid:

Houthi authorities have detained at least thirteen humanitarian workers . . . on charges of “espionage” since June 2024. This crackdown on aid workers employed by the United Nations and other non-governmental organizations aligns with the Houthis’ broader strategy: consolidating control at the expense of international humanitarian assistance to the Yemeni population.

This tactic mirrors methods employed by other militant groups, such as Islamic State and Hizballah, who have similarly weaponized aid to strengthen their grip on power. Just as IS imposed “taxes” on aid deliveries and Hizballah leveraged humanitarian resources to secure loyalty in Lebanon, the Houthis have transformed aid into a powerful tool of influence. By ensuring that only those within their patronage network benefit from assistance, they deepen civilian dependence on their rule.

Humanitarian monitors report that up to 70 percent of imported food and resources are either diverted to Houthi loyalists, heavily taxed, or siphoned off entirely. By imposing tolls on essential supplies, the Houthis have created an alternative revenue stream at the expense of civilians, rendering food, medicine, and clean water inaccessible to many. This manipulation has led to a surge in shipping costs and skyrocketing inflation, with Yemenis in non-Houthi areas bearing the brunt of these economic tactics.

For more than a year, the Iran-backed Houthis have been launching drones and missiles at ships traversing the Red Sea, as well as at Israeli territory, in support of Hamas. This development has drastically curtailed shipping through the Suez Canal and the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, driving up trade prices. This week, the Trump administration began an extensive bombing campaign against the Houthis in an effort to reopen that crucial waterway. Burcu Ozcelik highlights another benefit of this action:

The administration has a broader geopolitical agenda—one that includes countering China’s economic leverage, particularly Beijing’s reliance on Iranian oil. By targeting the Houthis, the United States is not only safeguarding vital shipping lanes but also exerting pressure on the Iran-China energy nexus, a key component of Beijing’s strategic posture in the region.

China was the primary destination for up to 90 percent of Iran’s oil exports in 2024, underscoring the deepening economic ties between Beijing and Tehran despite U.S. sanctions. By helping fill Iranian coffers, China aids Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps in financing proxies like the Houthis. Since October of last year, notable U.S. Treasury announcements have revealed covert links between China and the Houthis.

Striking the Houthis could trigger broader repercussions—not least by disrupting the flow of Iranian oil to China. While difficult to confirm, it is conceivable and has been reported, that the Houthis may have received financial or other forms of compensation from China (such as Chinese-made military components) in exchange for allowing freedom of passage for China-affiliated vessels in the Red Sea.