Hard as it may be to believe, it has barely been six weeks since the U.S. elections. Jay Lefkowitz examines the preferences of Jewish voters, and the role Israel plays in national politics:

Today, Israel is clearly a partisan, and divisive, issue. Shockingly, however, it is not an especially decisive issue for most Jewish voters. And the reason is that beyond the 10 to 15 percent of American Jews who are either ultra- or Modern Orthodox, Israel is far from the top of most Jewish voters’ list of priorities—trailing abortion, climate change, immigration, inflation, and healthcare, according to a recent study published by the Jewish Democratic Council of America.

While the data from the recent election show a move to the right by Jewish voters, it was not nearly as significant a shift as many Republicans had hoped for, given the prevailing political winds post-October 7. In fact, the Trump-ward shift was only partly due to Jewish perspectives on the pro-Israel positions of the two leading candidates. An even bigger factor was that the fastest growing segment of the Jewish community, the ultra-Orthodox Jews (or Haredim), voted overwhelmingly for Trump. And while their votes were certainly influenced by the perception that Democrats are more hostile than Republicans to Israel and even complicit in the rise of anti-Semitism, especially on college campuses, the haredi vote for Trump was also heavily influenced by social issues.

Nor has October 7 done much to shake up the political landscape in the Jewish community. . . . [Even] if the rise of anti-Semitism across the United States has reminded Jews of their identity, outside of the small number of observant Zionist communities, it has yet to have had much impact on Jewish voting patterns.

For Jews to have the greatest political clout, they will have to become swing voters whom either party believes it can win over. Only the Modern Orthodox, in Lefkowitz’s analysis, fit that criterion. He concludes:

If secular Jews are safely ensconced in the Democratic party, and haredi Jews (at least in presidential elections) are equally committed to the Republican party, Israel will surely find itself much more isolated politically in the United States in the coming decade.

For more than a year, the Iran-backed Houthis have been launching drones and missiles at ships traversing the Red Sea, as well as at Israeli territory, in support of Hamas. This development has drastically curtailed shipping through the Suez Canal and the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, driving up trade prices. This week, the Trump administration began an extensive bombing campaign against the Houthis in an effort to reopen that crucial waterway. Burcu Ozcelik highlights another benefit of this action:

The administration has a broader geopolitical agenda—one that includes countering China’s economic leverage, particularly Beijing’s reliance on Iranian oil. By targeting the Houthis, the United States is not only safeguarding vital shipping lanes but also exerting pressure on the Iran-China energy nexus, a key component of Beijing’s strategic posture in the region.

China was the primary destination for up to 90 percent of Iran’s oil exports in 2024, underscoring the deepening economic ties between Beijing and Tehran despite U.S. sanctions. By helping fill Iranian coffers, China aids Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps in financing proxies like the Houthis. Since October of last year, notable U.S. Treasury announcements have revealed covert links between China and the Houthis.

Striking the Houthis could trigger broader repercussions—not least by disrupting the flow of Iranian oil to China. While difficult to confirm, it is conceivable and has been reported, that the Houthis may have received financial or other forms of compensation from China (such as Chinese-made military components) in exchange for allowing freedom of passage for China-affiliated vessels in the Red Sea.