Today is International Holocaust Remembrance Day. Every year, I’m a little uncertain about whether and how to mark this day in Mosaic. Israel commemorates the Holocaust on Yom HaShoah, which falls on the 27th day of the month of Nissan. And there remain Jews who reject Yom HaShoah as a modern imposition, since the ancient fast of the Ninth of Av has already been designated for mourning national tragedies. Why add yet another day, of recent vintage, granted its official status by the corrupt and anti-Semitism-ridden United Nations?

Still, it’s often a day around which very intelligent things are published. One is this column by Stephen Pollard, who remarks upon the sort of meaningless virtue-signaling International Holocaust Remembrance Day inspires, like “Never Again.”

For most of the past 80 years Never Again has been no more than an abstract expression of goodness. . . . Today, however, when the threat to Jews is real and clear, Never Again is exposed as a platitude.

Israel has had to fight many existential wars since its creation in 1948. But here in Britain, there was no serious threat to the Jewish community—but a new and worrying wave of Jew hatred started emerging at around the time of the arrival of Jeremy Corbyn as Labor leader in 2015.

In the past fifteen months, however, anti-Semitism has skyrocketed. Naked and unashamed Jew hate is now a regular feature on the streets of London and elsewhere as hundreds of thousands assemble to demonstrate their loathing of “Zionists”—in other words, of Jews. . . . If Never Again is to be more than the platitude it has become, it means allowing Jews to defend themselves from those who seek to kill them.

Considering the current state of Israel-Arab relations, Ghaith al-Omari writes

First and foremost, no ceasefire will be possible without the release of Israeli hostages and commitments to disarm Hamas and remove it from power. The final say on these matters rests with Hamas commanders on the ground in Gaza, who have been largely impervious to foreign pressure so far. At minimum, however, the United States should insist that Qatari and Egyptian mediators push Hamas’s external leadership to accept these conditions publicly, which could increase pressure on the group’s Gaza leadership.

Washington should also demand a clear, public position from key Arab states regarding disarmament. The Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas endorsed this position in a June letter to Saudi Arabia and France, giving Arab states Palestinian cover for endorsing it themselves.

Some Arab states have already indicated a willingness to play a significant role, but they will have little incentive to commit resources and personnel to Gaza unless Israel (1) provides guarantees that it will not occupy the Strip indefinitely, and (2) removes its veto on a PA role in Gaza’s future, even if only symbolic at first. Arab officials are also seeking assurances that any role they play in Gaza will be in the context of a wider effort to reach a two-state solution.

On the other hand, Washington must remain mindful that current conditions between Israel and the Palestinians are not remotely conducive to . . . implementing a two-state solution.