Last week, Jean-Marie Le Pen—the founder and longtime leader of France’s far-right National Front—died at the age of ninety-six. In the past decade, his party, now renamed National Rally, has, under the leadership of his successors, moved away from his hostility to Jews, and even attracted some with its anti-immigrant stance. Jews should not be shedding any tears of Le Pen’s death, however, according to Freddy Eytan:

Le Pen is one of the Holocaust deniers who denounce “the imposture of the Jewish genocide.” The one-eyed politician had shown violent and aggressive hostility towards the Jews of France. On every occasion, particularly abroad and in Arab capitals, he spoke quite naturally of the “Jewish lobby,” of the “world Jewish power.” . . . He met several times with the Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein, supported the “butcher of Damascus” Hafez al-Assad and his son Bashar, as well as the head of the PLO Yasir Arafat, and condemned all the operations of IDF against Hamas.

In other words, for Le Pen—like his counterparts on the far left—there was complete unity between anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism. Eytan concludes with a cautionary note for Israel and organized Jewry:

In this context, we must be very careful and vigilant before establishing relations with leaders of European far-right political parties who wish to establish friendly relations with Israeli parties.

Like his predecessor, Donald Trump seeks to expand the Abraham Accords to include Saudi Arabia. But there are other Arab nations that might consider taking such a step. Ahmad Charai points to Kuwait—home to the Middle East’s largest U.S. army base and desperately in need of economic reform—as a good candidate. Kuwaitis haven’t forgiven Palestinians for supporting Saddam Hussein during his 1990 invasion, but their country has been more rhetorically hostile to Israel than its Gulf neighbors:

The Abraham Accords have reshaped Middle Eastern diplomacy. . . . Kuwait, however, remains hesitant due to internal political resistance. While full normalization may not be immediately feasible, the United States should encourage Kuwait to take gradual steps toward engagement, emphasizing how participation in regional cooperation does not equate to abandoning its historical positions.

Kuwait could use its influence to push for peace in the Middle East through diplomatic channels opened by engagement rather than isolation. The economic benefits of joining the broader framework of the Abraham Accords are overwhelming. Israel’s leadership in technology, agriculture, and water management presents valuable opportunities for Kuwait to enhance its infrastructure. Trade and investment flows would diversify the economy, providing new markets and business partnerships.

Kuwaiti youth, who are increasingly looking for opportunities beyond the public sector, could benefit from collaboration with advanced industries, fostering job creation and entrepreneurial growth. The UAE and Bahrain have already demonstrated how normalization with Israel can drive economic expansion while maintaining their respective geopolitical identities.