Since he firebombed the home of the Pennsylvania governor Josh Shapiro during a Passover seder, more information has been learned about the assailant, Cody Balmer. Jesse Arm and Charles Fain Lehman examine the details:

Balmer is not merely an anti-Semite and would-be domestic terrorist. He was out on bail after assaulting his estranged wife and stomping on his ten-year-old son’s broken leg. He is also mentally ill and was off his meds: his mother tried to commit him three days before the arson attack, but police told her that, unless he threatened himself or others, he didn’t meet the threshold for involuntary commitment.

This attack represents, then, a failure of the systems meant to keep people safe. The question now is whether Governor Shapiro will seize the moment to fix them.

There’s also growing alarm over a surge in political violence. . . . Balmer’s attack, moreover, was an explicit response to Shapiro’s Zionism—and, one suspects, to his Judaism more generally. And it occurred against the backdrop of a broader campaign of civil intimidation targeting Jews and pro-Israel Americans. Across the country (and in Shapiro’s backyard), radicals have escalated from protected speech to coercion: blocking roads, occupying campus buildings, harassing Jewish students, and lionizing terrorist groups in the public square. These aren’t isolated protests—they’re deliberate efforts to make life unlivable for political opponents and to sidestep the democratic process.

There are concrete and feasible steps, Arm and Lehman explain, that could discourage and prevent such acts. But will Shapiro and other governors be willing to take them?

On Monday night, the IDF struck a group of Hamas operatives near the Nasser hospital in Khan Yunis, the main city in southern Gaza. The very fact of this attack was reassuring, as it suggested that the release of Edan Alexander didn’t come with restraints on Israeli military activity. Then, yesterday afternoon, Israeli jets carried out another, larger attack on Khan Yunis, hitting a site where it believed Mohammad Sinwar, the head of Hamas in Gaza, to be hiding. The IDF has not yet confirmed that he was present. There is some hope that the death of Sinwar—who replaced his older brother Yahya after he was killed last year—could have a debilitating effect on Hamas.

Meanwhile, Donald Trump is visiting the Persian Gulf, and it’s unclear how his diplomatic efforts there will affect Israel, its war with Hamas, and Iran. For its part, Jerusalem has committed to resume full-scale operations in Gaza after President Trump returns to the U.S. But, Gabi Simoni and Erez Winner explain, Israel does not have unlimited time to defeat Hamas:

Israel faces persistent security challenges across multiple fronts—Iran, the West Bank, Yemen, Syria, and Lebanon—all demanding significant military resources, especially during periods of escalation. . . . Failing to achieve a decisive victory not only prolongs the conflict but also drains national resources and threatens Israel’s ability to obtain its strategic goals.

Only a swift, forceful military campaign can achieve the war’s objectives: securing the hostages’ release, ensuring Israeli citizens’ safety, and preventing future kidnappings. Avoiding such action won’t just prolong the suffering of the hostages and deepen public uncertainty—it will also drain national resources and weaken Israel’s standing in the region and beyond.

We recommend launching an intense military operation in Gaza without delay, with clear, measurable objectives—crippling Hamas’s military and governance capabilities and securing the release of hostages. Such a campaign should combine military pressure with indirect negotiations, maximizing the chances of a successful outcome while minimizing risks.

Crucially, the operation must be closely coordinated with the United States and moderate Arab states to reduce international pressure and preserve the gains of regional alliances.