When the new school year begins in the fall, California high-school students will be required to take at least one class in ethnic studies before graduating. The model curriculum for the subject, issued by the state Department of Education, involves a highly ideological form of instruction, meant to “address institutionalized systems of advantage.” And Jewish parents in California are especially worried, as Kayla Bartsch explains:

This earlier edition [of the Model Curriculum, from 2019], honored Palestinians’ “struggle” for liberation from Israel, praised the boycott, divestment, and sanctions movement, defined Israel as a “settler-colonialist state,” scorned the “Zionist genocide” against Palestinians, and excluded the word “anti-Semitism” from its glossary. Unsurprisingly, many groups responded critically to this first draft, so the state sent it back to the workshop.

Still, Jewish parents have every reason to fear that the improved version won’t be much better. Their concerns have not always been well received:

In one particularly egregious skirmish that took place in April, members of the Pajaro Valley Unified School District (PVUSD) Board hurled incendiary words at the Jewish parents in the audience. [One] board member, Gabriel Medina, waved his finger at the Jewish parents and grandparents in the room [and] referred to them as “you people.”

The trustee Joy Flynn echoed Jewish stereotypes in a Marxist word salad that described racial power dynamics: “Something I have been a little bit taken aback by is the lack of acknowledgment of the economic power historically held by the Jewish community, that the community of black and brown people don’t have.”

On Monday night, the IDF struck a group of Hamas operatives near the Nasser hospital in Khan Yunis, the main city in southern Gaza. The very fact of this attack was reassuring, as it suggested that the release of Edan Alexander didn’t come with restraints on Israeli military activity. Then, yesterday afternoon, Israeli jets carried out another, larger attack on Khan Yunis, hitting a site where it believed Mohammad Sinwar, the head of Hamas in Gaza, to be hiding. The IDF has not yet confirmed that he was present. There is some hope that the death of Sinwar—who replaced his older brother Yahya after he was killed last year—could have a debilitating effect on Hamas.

Meanwhile, Donald Trump is visiting the Persian Gulf, and it’s unclear how his diplomatic efforts there will affect Israel, its war with Hamas, and Iran. For its part, Jerusalem has committed to resume full-scale operations in Gaza after President Trump returns to the U.S. But, Gabi Simoni and Erez Winner explain, Israel does not have unlimited time to defeat Hamas:

Israel faces persistent security challenges across multiple fronts—Iran, the West Bank, Yemen, Syria, and Lebanon—all demanding significant military resources, especially during periods of escalation. . . . Failing to achieve a decisive victory not only prolongs the conflict but also drains national resources and threatens Israel’s ability to obtain its strategic goals.

Only a swift, forceful military campaign can achieve the war’s objectives: securing the hostages’ release, ensuring Israeli citizens’ safety, and preventing future kidnappings. Avoiding such action won’t just prolong the suffering of the hostages and deepen public uncertainty—it will also drain national resources and weaken Israel’s standing in the region and beyond.

We recommend launching an intense military operation in Gaza without delay, with clear, measurable objectives—crippling Hamas’s military and governance capabilities and securing the release of hostages. Such a campaign should combine military pressure with indirect negotiations, maximizing the chances of a successful outcome while minimizing risks.

Crucially, the operation must be closely coordinated with the United States and moderate Arab states to reduce international pressure and preserve the gains of regional alliances.